Background

Although it is known that plant-based foods are important for physical health, little is known about the relationship between plant-based foods and cognitive health. Emerging evidence suggests that some macronutrients may influence cognition, but it is unclear which domains of cognition are involved; more importantly, it is unknown how a plant-based diet relates to cognition.

Objective

To examine associations between a plant-based dietary pattern and cognitive functioning.

Methods

Participants were 3,039 older adults who participated in the 2011-2014 waves of the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES). The present cross-sectional study used data on macronutrient intake from 24-hour dietary interviews, as well as performance on tests of long-term memory and executive function (i.e., delayed word recall, digit symbol substitution test, and animal fluency). Principal component analysis was used to extract a dietary pattern consistent with a plant-based diet.

Results

Greater adherence to a dietary pattern consistent with a plant-based diet was related to better performance on all cognitive tasks. Secondary analyses indicated that the associations between a plant-based dietary pattern and executive function accounted for the association between a plant-based dietary pattern and memory. Furthermore, this same plant-based dietary pattern was associated with reduced baseline inflammation in a separate dataset.

Conclusions

Experimental manipulations are needed to determine the potential causal relations of these associations, but these results suggest that a plant-based diet relates to better cognition, especially through improved executive control. Future work should also attempt to extend these results by examining potential mechanisms underlying these associations, such as reduced inflammation.

Core executive functions such as working memory, inhibition, and cognitive flexibility are integral to daily life. A growing body of research has suggested that acute stress may impair core executive functions. However, there are a number of inconsistencies in the literature, leading to uncertainty about how or even if acute stress influences core executive functions. We addressed this by conducting a meta-analysis of acute stress effects on working memory, inhibition, and cognitive flexibility. We found that stress impaired working memory and cognitive flexibility, whereas it had nuanced effects on inhibition. Many of these effects were moderated by other variables, such as sex. In addition, we compared effects of acute stress on core executive functions to effects of cortisol administration and found some striking differences. Our findings indicate that stress works through mechanisms aside from or in addition to cortisol to produce a state characterized by more reactive processing of salient stimuli but greater control over actions. We conclude by highlighting some important future directions for stress and executive function research.

Background

Psychological stress is a well-known risk factor for poor health, and recent research has suggested that the emotion-focused coping process of forgiveness may help mitigate these effects. To date, however, no studies have examined how levels of forgiveness, stress, and health fluctuate and interrelate over time.

Purpose

We addressed this issue by examining how forgiveness, stress, and mental and physical health symptoms change and relate to one another over 5 weeks. We hypothesized that increases in state levels of forgiveness would be associated with decreases in perceptions of stress, which would in turn be related to decreases in mental and physical health symptoms. A reverse effects model was also tested.

Methods

We recruited a large, community-based sample of 332 young, middle-aged, and older adults (16-79 years old; M _age = 27.9). Each week for 5 weeks, participants reported on their levels of state forgiveness, perceived stress, and mental and physical health symptoms.

Results

Levels of forgiveness, stress, and mental and physical health symptoms each showed significant change and individual variability in change over time. As hypothesized, increases in forgiveness were associated with decreases in stress, which were in turn related to decreases in mental (but not physical) health symptoms (i.e., forgiveness → stress → health). The reverse effects model (i.e., health → stress → forgiveness) provided a relatively poorer fit.

Conclusions

This study is the first to provide prospective, longitudinal evidence showing that greater forgiveness is associated with less stress and, in turn, better mental health. Strategies for cultivating forgiveness may thus have beneficial effects on stress and health.

It is now well established that acute stress shortly after encoding (i.e., post-encoding stress) can benefit episodic memory. In the current paper, we briefly review the human literature examining the effects of post-encoding stress on episodic memory, and we relate that literature to studies of post-encoding manipulations of cortisol in humans, as well as studies of post-encoding stress and administration of corticosterone on analogous memory tasks in rodents. An examination of the literature reveals several important gaps in our understanding of stress and memory. For example, although the human literature shows that post-encoding stress generally improves memory, these effects are not observed if stress occurs in a different context from learning. Moreover, the rodent literature shows that post-encoding stress generally impairs memory instead of improving it, and these effects depend on whether the animal is habituated to the learning context prior to encoding. Although many aspects of the results support a cellular consolidation account of post-encoding stress, we present possible modifications, such as a network reset, to better account for the data. We also suggest that it is important to incorporate ideas of contextual binding in order to understanding the effects of post-encoding stress and glucocorticoids on memory.

The effects of acute stress on memory encoding are complex. Recent work has suggested that both the delay between stress and encoding and the relevance of the information learned to the stressor may modulate the effects of stress on memory encoding, but the relative contribution of each of these two factors is unclear. Therefore, in the present study, we manipulated (1) acute stress, (2) the delay between stress and encoding, and (3) the relevance of the information learned to the stressor. The results indicated that stress during encoding led to better memory for study materials that were related to the stressor relative to memory for study materials that were unrelated to the stressor. This effect was numerically reduced for materials that were encoded 40 min after stressor onset (23 min after the stressor had ended) compared with items encoded at the time of the stressor, but this difference was not significant. These results suggest that the relevance of the information learned to the stressor may play a particularly important role in the effects of stress on memory encoding, which has important implications for theories of stress and memory.

Acute stress impairs working memory (i.e., the ability to update and keep information in mind). Although that effect is well established, the boundaries around it are not. In particular, little is known about how recalling an unresolved stressor might influence working memory, or about how stress-or recalling a stressful event-influences the processes underlying working memory task performance (e.g., sustained/controlled attention vs. capacity). We addressed these issues in the present study (N = 171) by randomly assigning participants to write about an unresolved, extremely stressful experience (stressful writing condition; n = 85) or the events of the prior day (control condition; n = 86), and, subsequently, both measured change detection task performance and used computational cognitive modeling to estimate the processes underlying it-namely, attention, capacity, and bias. We found that, relative to the control task, writing about a stressful experience neither impaired performance on the change detection task nor altered any of the processes underlying performance on that task. These results show that the effects of writing about an unresolved, stressful episode do not parallel effects of acute stress on working memory, indicating that experiencing a stressor may have very different cognitive effects than recalling it at a later time. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

The effects of acute stress on memory encoding are complex, and we do not yet know all of the conditions that can determine whether stress at encoding improves or impairs memory. Recent work has found that changing contexts between encoding and stress can abolish the effects of post-encoding stress on memory, suggesting that context may play an important role in the effects of stress on memory. However, the role of context in the effects of stress on memory encoding is not yet known. We addressed this gap by examining the effects of context on the influence of acute stress on memory encoding. In a 2 × 2 experimental design, participants (N = 103) completed either a stressor (i.e., Socially Evaluated Cold Presser Test) or control task (i.e., warm water control) before completing a memory encoding task, which occurred in either in the same room as or a different room from the stressor or control task. Memory retrieval was tested for each participant within the context that they completed the encoding task. We found that, relative to nonstressed (i.e., control) participants, stressed participants who switched contexts prior to encoding showed better memory for both negative and neutral images. In contrast, when the stressor or control task occurred in the same room as memory encoding, stress had no beneficial effect on memory. These results highlight the importance of the ongoing context as a determinant of the effects of stress on memory encoding and present a challenge to current theoretical accounts of stress and memory.

Acute stress is generally thought to impair performance on tasks thought to rely on selective attention. This effect has been well established for moderate to severe stressors, but no study has examined how a mild stressor-the most common type of stressor-influences selective attention. In addition, no study to date has examined how stress influences the component processes involved in overall selective attention task performance, such as controlled attention, automatic attentional activation, decision-making, and motor abilities. To address these issues, we randomly assigned 107 participants to a mild acute stress or control condition. As expected, the mild acute stress condition showed a small but significant increase in cortisol relative to the control condition. Following the stressor, we assessed attention with two separate flanker tasks. One of these tasks was optimized to investigate component attentional processes using computational cognitive modeling, whereas the other task employed mouse-tracking to illustrate how response conflict unfolded over time. The results for both tasks showed that mild acute stress decreased response time (i.e., increased response speed) without influencing accuracy or interference control. Further, computational modeling and mouse-tracking analyses indicated that these effects were due to faster motor action execution time for chosen actions. Intriguingly, however, cortisol responses were unrelated to any of the observed effects of mild stress. These results have implications for theories of stress and cognition, and highlight the importance of considering motor processes in understanding the effects of stress on cognitive task performance.

Although prior research has examined how early adversity and chronic stress exposure relate to hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis responses to acute stress, to date, no studies have examined how stressors occurring over the entire lifespan predict such responses. To address this issue, we recruited 61 healthy young adults and measured their exposure to 55 different types of acute life events and chronic difficulties occurring over the lifespan. In addition, we characterized differences in participants' HPA axis responses to acute stress by measuring their salivary cortisol and DHEA responses to the Trier Social Stress Test for Groups. Greater cumulative stress exposure was associated with a blunted cortisol response, but a heightened DHEA response, to the acute stressor. Moreover, it was participants' exposure to these stressors (i.e., lifetime count), not their perceived severity, which predicted their cortisol and DHEA responses to acute stress. Furthermore, differential effects were observed by stress exposure domain. Notably, only adulthood and marital/partner stressors significantly predicted cortisol responses to acute stress, whereas stress was more uniformly associated with DHEA responses to the acute stressor. These results thus reveal how cumulative stress exposure is associated with HPA axis responsivity to acute stress, while highlighting the fact that different stressors may have substantially different associations with these biological outcomes.

Prior research has found that recent life stress exposure is related to poorer working memory performance, but it remains unclear which aspects of working memory are related to stress. To address this important issue, we examined the extent to which recent life stress exposure was associated with working memory capacity (i.e., the number of items that can be held in working memory) and working memory precision (i.e., the quality of representations of items held within working memory) in a sample of 260 healthy young adults (M_age= 19.95 years old; range = 18-33). Recent life stress exposure and working memory were assessed with the Stress and Adversity Inventory for Daily Stress (Daily STRAIN) and color wheel task, respectively. We found that recent life stress was selectively associated with lower working memory capacity; moreover, the association of recent life stress with capacity was significantly stronger in magnitude than the non-significant association of recent life stress with precision. These associations were robust while controlling for potential confounds, including demographic factors, negative affect, and cumulative lifetime stress exposure. These results thus suggest that stress-related degradations in working memory capacity may help explain how recent life stress exposure affects working memory performance.