2024-03-28T11:50:56Zhttps://escholarship.org/oaioai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2r89j7622021-06-24T00:23:17Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2r89j762Berning, CarlauthorDalton, Russellauthor2021-06-23The diversity of issue interests and party options in multiparty systems makes individual electoral decisions increasingly complex. Voters are challenged to find a political party that represents their own political views in this more complex political space. This research offers a new methodological approach to studying voting choice in a multidimensional party space. We integrate the issue preferences of European voters and the issue preferences of party elites in a two-dimensional model of electoral choice. A common space of political competition for citizens and party elites is defined by the economic and cultural cleavages using data from the 2009 European Elections Studies (EES). Our innovation is to employ multilevel structural equation modeling to address the unique statistical challenges of a multi-dimensional party space, mass-elite comparisons, and cross-national analysis. This new approach generates results that are distinctly different from previous studies—even those using the same dataset. By factoring in the measurement of issue dimensions, economic issues have a stronger impact than recognized using previous methodologies, with more modest cultural influences on voting. Moreover, there are significant cross-over effects of the two cleavages in voters’ choices. The results reveal the complexity of realignment between voters and political parties in Western Europe.publicEuropean ParliamentElectionsVoting BehaviorEconomic CleavageCultural CleavageParty ElitesRealignmentStructural Equation ModelElectoral Choice in Multidimensional Party Systemsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt04w053fg2021-06-18T18:52:31Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/04w053fgSalgado, Eneida Desireeauthor2021-02-05The 2018 elections in Brazil caused profound disturbance to political scientists, political analysts, jurists, and activists.1 The electoral outcome shocked the establishment. The winner was an anti-system politician, an irrelevant (and burlesque) representative, with no significant party, no experience in positions in the Executive Branch, and with a frankly pro-military authoritarianism against minorities discourse. Bolsonaro reached strong popular support and was elected President. Politicians, scholars, and part of the voters immediately ran out for an explanation for such an electoral outcome.publicA Series of Unfortunate Events or Some Karma? 2018 Election and Brazil's Persistent Conservative Alignmentarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt16g2r23k2021-02-05T21:28:28Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/16g2r23kRosenberg, Shawn W.author2006-11-02Following more than a decade of theorizing and widespread practical application, political scientists have begun empirical research on democratic deliberation. For the most part, this research has focused on individual or collective outcomes of deliberation, paying relatively little attention to the deliberative processes themselves. Here an attempt is made to study these processes themselves. First, a typology of the different ways people talk to one another is offered. Four types of discourse are defined: (1) proto-discourse, (2) conventional, (3) cooperative, and (4) collaborative. The last two types are of the kind presumed by deliberative democratic theory, with more liberal versions assuming that deliberations are cooperative and rational and more critical versions assuming that deliberation are collaborative and transformative. Research is then reported on two deliberative groups of parents who met seven times to consider improvements in the delivery of K-12 education in their area. An analysis of their deliberations indicates that their interaction was overwhelmingly conventional or proto-discursive. The participants rarely engaged one another in the way assumed by liberal democratic theory and never engaged one another in a more critical or emancipatory manner. The paper concludes with a discussion of the impact of different types of discursive interaction on the construction of democratic citizenship. At issue here is how different kinds of discourses enable participants to be different kinds of political actors in those situations.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratic politicsAn Empirical Study of Types of Democratic Deliberation: The Limits and Potential of Citizen Participationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0qk461022019-09-12T21:19:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0qk46102Wattenberg, Martin P.author2019-09-12In today’s world of intense ideological conflict at the elite level, the nature of mass belief systems has changed dramatically since the last time Converse’s famous levels of conceptualization (Campbell et al., 1960; Converse, 1964) were coded in 2000. This paper shows that the percentage with well-developed belief systems based on a clear understanding of public policy choices has increased substantially since then. It also introduces a new category termed “policy wonks” to reflect a sub-category that Converse only referred to in passing but which is now quite common. Unlike respondents whom I classify as “concept ideologues” in this paper, policy wonks do not employ overarching concepts such as liberalism/conservatism or the scope of government. Rather, policy wonks just refer to at least three public policy stands when asked what they like and dislike about the major parties and presidential candidates. Although it was very rare for citizens in the 1950s to show a clear belief system based on the specific choices of government action, today’s highly intense and polarized policy debates have made programmatic-oriented belief systems quite common. A close examination of policy wonks shows that they are just as politically knowledgeable and consistent on issue dimensions as concept ideologues (i.e., those who employ ideological terms). Hence, policy wonks possess a well-defined belief system based on employing an understanding of public policy, thereby befitting Converse’s criteria for classification at the top level of conceptualization. The substantial increases in both concept ideologues and policy wonks accounts for virtually all of the increase since the 1980s in respondents whose partisanship matches their ideology (i.e., conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats). Not only are respondents at the top of levels of conceptualization more numerous than they used to be, but being more consistent than they used to be has led to a marked increase in the overall correspondence between partisanship and ideology. On the other hand, the decrease in ideologically inconsistent partisans (i.e., liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats) has occurred across all conceptualization levels. Thus, party polarization is a combination of: 1) better-developed belief systems increasing ideological-partisan consistency; and 2) partisan sorting decreasing partisans who are out step with their party’s ideological stance.Past research has shown that Republicans are substantially more likely to be ideologues whereas Democrats are much more inclined to conceptualize politics in terms of group benefits. This pattern was quite evident in the 2008 and 2012 American National Election Study (ANES) responses that I personally coded. However, two developments occurred in 2016 that dramatically reshaped the partisan nature of belief systems. First, the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic Party evidenced a great deal of ideological thinking, thereby pushing Democrats to a record percentage at the top level of ideological conceptualization. Second, the voters who supported Trump in the Republican primaries were much less likely to be ideologues or policy wonks than those who supported more traditional Republican candidates. These developments combined to make Democrats and Republicans more similar than ever before in terms of ideological conceptualization in 2016. publicThe Changing Nature of Mass Belief Systems: The Rise of Concept Ideologues & Policy Wonksarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8r7500zq2018-06-07T23:15:50Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8r7500zqGarzia, DiegoauthorFerreira da Silva, FredericoauthorDe Angelis, Andreaauthor2018-06-07Partisan dealignment is recurrently presented in the literature as a main driver of the “personalization of politics”. Yet, on the one hand, the claim that leader effects on voting behaviour are increasing across time is short on comparative evidence. On the other hand, there is limited empirical evidence that such increase is due to dealignment. This article addresses these claims, exploring the longitudinal relationship between dealignment and the determinants of vote choice through a novel dataset pooling 90 national election surveys from 14 Western European parliamentary democracies in the period 1961-2016. The results suggest that both critics and proponents of the personalization thesis got it partially right. Leader effects did not increase over time, but their relative importance did: leader images came to matter more as party attachments came to matter less. Partisan dealignment is the key contextual dynamic in downplaying the electoral impact of partisan attachments vis-à-vis leaders evaluations.publicPartisan Dealignment and the Personalization of Politics in West European Parliamentary Democracies, 1961-2016articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1t68c47v2017-07-14T21:38:22Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1t68c47vShin, Doh Chullauthor2017-07-14For years, many political scientists and research institutes endorsed South Korea (Korea hereafter) as a fully consolidated liberal democracy. This non-Western icon of liberal democracy recently underwent a series of setbacks due to the restoration of autocratic governance by the President Park Geun-hye government. Why did liberal democracy backslide in the highly globalized and modernized country, contrary to what is expected from modernization and other prominent theories of democratization? To explore this question, we propose a cultural theory of democratic deconsolidation, and test it with the latest wave of the Asian Barometer Survey conducted in Korea in 2015. The analysis indicates that socioeconomic development under the sponsorship of the state and big businesses has failed to “emancipate” both the ruling class and the masses from the Confucian legacies of political paternalism and social harmony. Moreover, it has failed to instill them with “the bourgeois impulse” to become a free and equal being. As the habits of their hearts and minds, these legacies powerfully motivate both groups to reembrace or condone the resurgence of autocratic political practices. Theoretically, therefore, the deconsolidation of liberal democracy in Korea and the prevalence of affinity for paternalistic autocracy among its people can be considered two solid pieces of evidence confirming the thesis of “No bourgeois, no democracy”. They can further be considered to support the orthodox Asian Values Thesis that Confucianism is inherently incompatible with liberal democracy.publicPresident Park Geun-hye and the Deconsolidation of Liberal Democracy in South Korea: Exploring its Cultural Roots President Park Geun-hye and the Deconsolidation of Liberal Democracy in South Korea: Exploring its Cultural Rootsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7jz4638z2016-07-31T23:13:31Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7jz4638zHeyne, Leaauthor2016-07-31What does democracy mean? This question is difficult to answer - theoretically, we find different ideas of a “good” democracy, and also empirically, democracy is a multidimensional concept: Across countries, democracy varies both in its quality and in the way it is realized. Yet, when researchers for example analyze if citizens are satisfied with “the way democracy works” in their country, they suppose that democracy means the same for individuals all over the world. I argue that in order to be able to analyze support for democracy in a more nuanced way, we need to take a step back and ask what democracy actually means to citizens and how such expectations are formed. Based on the theoretical and empirical literature on varieties of democracy, I suppose that individual expectations from democracy differ across countries, and that they are influenced by two factors: The democratic culture, consisting of age and quality of institutions as well as authoritarian legacies, and the prevalent democratic model. Hence, the specific democratic context in which a citizen lives matters - due to socialization and democratic learning, individuals acquire democratic preferences and value those dimensions more which they experience in their own democracy. Using individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 6 as well as country-level data from the Democracy Barometer, I test how the national democratic context in 27 European democracies influences these individual democratic ideals. Indeed, I find evidence for both socialization and participation effects of the democratic context on citizens’ democratic ideals.publicDemocratic learningpolitical supportvarieties of democracyEuropean Social SurveyWhich Kind of Democracy for Whom? Explaining Citizens’ Expectations from Democracy articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0wk9s2xh2016-07-13T23:28:18Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0wk9s2xhAllen, Trevor JauthorTaagepera, Reinauthor2016-07-13Most federal second chambers give subunits equal representation. A few apply per capita representation, like most first chambers. Only Germany and Canada compromise between territorial and per capita representation. Both broadly allocate seats following Si=SPi
n/∑Pk
n, the only simple format without internal inconsistencies. Two values have been proposed for n. The rigid n=0.5 approximates the Canadian pattern but does not fit the German system. The flexible n=[1/logT-1/logS]/[1/logT-1/logP] takes into account the number of subunits (T) and total seats (S), for given total population (P). The flexible model better predicts seat allocation both in Canada and Germany. This model has been shown to apply to the European Parliament and the EU Council. Hence it may express what countries intuitively grope for when trying to strike a compromise between representations per capita and per subunit. As such, it does not fit the seat allocation of administrative subunits in unitary states, France and Italy.publicSeat allocation in federal second chambersarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt20c7w3m42016-07-13T23:26:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/20c7w3m4Shin, Doh Chullauthor2016-07-13What types of political systems do people in East Asia favor most and least? Throughout the region, do most people uniformly prefer democracy to nondemocratic systems, as advocates of universal democratization theses claim? If they do, do they prefer liberal democracy to non-liberal democracy? If they do not favor democracy more than other types of political systems, what type do they favor most? Is it meritocracy or a hybrid system, for which proponents of Confucian democracy or the Asian Values Thesis have recently advocated? To address these questions, I first review previous studies on democratic system support and highlight their limitations in unraveling the meanings of avowed democratic system support and comparing its levels across different countries and regions of the world. Then I propose a new typology of citizen preferences for a variety of political systems, including democracy and autocracy. Unlike all other typologies, it ascertain in sequence the types and subtypes people prefer without using the word “democracy” (“the D-word” hereafter). Finally, I attempt to evaluate the relevance of universal and liberal democratization theses in the context of East Asia, analyzing the 3rd wave of the Asian Barometer Survey conducted in 13 democratic and nondemocratic countries. The analysis reveals that these theses serve merely as prodemocracy rhetoric, not as theoretically meaningful propositions.publicWestern Theories versus East Asian Realities:Political System Preferences among East Asiansarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2f43h4tp2016-07-13T23:24:20Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2f43h4tpVassallo, Francescaauthor2016-07-13The 2008 European recession has been linked to higher political unconventionality across countries in recent studies. Research on the impact of the economic downturn on people’s engagement in protest has focused on data mostly from 2008 to 2012. Recent findings have supported primarily a relative deprivation theory based explanation of why Europeans choose to participate in street marches, suggesting a change has taken place in the way the economy affects political contention. This article assesses the relationship between the economy and protest in 2014, six years after the crisis took place, a long enough period for countries to have improved their economic situation and for people’s interpretations of the economy to be more optimistic. Does the economy still matter to explain protest if it is not as salient any longer? This research employs data for 13 European Union member states from the 2008 and 2014 European Social Survey to test the importance of national level objective economic indicators as well as individual level evaluations of financial wellbeing to study the link between confrontational activism and economic variables. Some of the findings suggest a limited relevance of the economy in the explanation of protest, for objective economic variables, yet a more salient role for personal interpretations of economic wellbeing. Yet, a combination of relative deprivation and resources theories is needed to understand why citizens choose protest in light of the economic situation. The link between the economy and confrontational activism in 2008 and 2014 looks in the end very similar, dismissing any serious long term change in the relationship.publicausterityeconomic recessionEuropean public opiniondeprivation theoryprotest activismEconomic Crisis and Protest Behavior in EU Member States: An Assessment after the Initial Impactarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt89k3z6q22015-06-29T07:16:27Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/89k3z6q2Shin, Doh Chullauthor2015-06-29A growing number of political scientists have recently claimed that democracy has emerged as a universal value, and that it is also becoming the universally preferred system of government. Is the whole world becoming democratic, as these proponents of global democratization claim? To test the validity of these claims, this study critically reviews the voluminous literature on citizen conceptions of democracy and identifies the limitations of previous public opinion research on democratization. In an attempt to overcome those limitations, it proposes a two-dimensional notion of informed democratic understanding, and thereby reanalyzes the World Values Surveys conducted in 2005-8. Results of the analysis reveal that two-thirds of global citizenries are either uninformed or misinformed about the fundamental characteristics of democracy and its alternatives. In every region except for the old-democratic West, moreover, the well-informed constitute minorities of its avowed supporters. On the basis of these findings, the study contends that for much of the world today, democracy represents little more than an appealing rhetorical political symbol voiced in regimes that still retain authoritarian practices. It also contends that contrary to increasingly popular theses of global democratization and neo-modernization, liberal democracy is not likely to stand at the “end of History.”publicauthentic democratsconceptions of democracydemocratizationhybridizationinformed understanding of democracysuperficial democratstheses of global democratizationuniversal valueAssessing Citizen Responses to Democracy: A Review and Synthesis of Recent Public Opinion Researcharticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt259860wq2015-04-07T20:10:45Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/259860wqKubbe, Inaauthor2015-03-31The study analyzes the propensity to engage in and to punish corrupt behavior in a three-person sequential move-game played by university students in the US and Germany. The assumption is that in environments that are characterized by lower levels of corruption, there is both a lower propensity to engage in and a higher propensity to punish corrupt acts. In contrast to the assumptions, almost 70% of the Californian offered and accepted a bribe. In Germany almost 50% of the participants took the opportunity to offer and 40% accepted a bribe. I found that in both countries the probability to bribe decreases if the participants have work experiences and increases with the time the participants spent in other countries. Additionally, in Germany men have a higher propensity to bribe than women, while in California males tend to give higher bribes compared to females. In the US, 52% of the citizens punished corrupt acts, in Germany even 80%. I also found a relationship between punishment and an individual’s field of study and between the amount of bribery and gender and the wish to work in private or public sector. Moreover, men punished corrupt acts with higher amounts than women. I explain the results by cultural differences (individualism). A contribution of the paper is that it provides additional data in a U.S. and German setting, which can allows for cross-country comparison of individuals corrupt actions in future research.publiccorruptionexperimentsbriberypunishmentindividualismThe Sweet Temptation of Corruption: Understanding Corrupt Actions by Experiments in the US and Germanyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2kj8z5dz2015-02-20T19:45:37Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2kj8z5dzKubbe, InaauthorMcBride, Michael T.author2015-02-20The large negative impact of corruption on all areas of individuals’ lives suggests that it is vital for the well-being of citizens to understand why people act corruptly and why corrupt actions are sometimes punished and sometimes not. Our study analyzes the propensity to engage in and to punish corrupt behavior in a three-person sequential move-game played by university students in California. We find that 66% of the people participating in our experiment bribed, and out of these bribes almost 70% accepted the bribes even with knowledge that their actions may be sanctioned by a third person. Males tend to give higher bribes compared to women, and the likelihood of offering a bribe decreases if the participant has work experience and spent time in other countries. Only 51% of the corrupt acts were punished by the citizens. Furthermore, our survey reveals that a lot of the participants are well informed about corruption in the US and all over the world by the media. A contribution of our paper is that it provides additional data in a U.S. setting, which can allows for cross-country comparison of individuals corrupt actions in future research.publiccorruptionexperimentsbriberypunishmentAn Experimental Study on Corrupt Actionsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0hq2v2wx2015-02-01T17:35:35Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0hq2v2wxShin, Doh Chullauthor2015-02-01The past two decades have witnessed the dawning of a new age for the scientific study of people’s quality of life. For the first time in its history, both scholars from a variety of disciplines and policymakers from national and international government agencies have partnered to develop a new paradigm, and establish new interdisciplines aiming to appraise and prescribe the quality of life from the perspectives of the people who experience it. This paper sought to review major advances made in these interdisciplines called happiology, hedonomics, and positive psychology. publichappinesshedonismeudaimonismwellbeingHow People Perceive and Appraise the Quality of Their Lives: Recent Advances in the Study of Happiness and Wellbeingarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3hp184vt2014-11-26T09:54:46Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3hp184vtMenezes, Daiane Boelhouwerauthor2014-10-28Mechanisms of Direct Democracy (MDDs), i.e. plebiscites, referendums and popular initiatives, allow citizens to decide on issues rather than just candidates, and to continue to be proactive in the democratic process or veto players after the elections.If participation in MDDs is considered a good thing, as in the 16 Latin American countries analyzed here, people appreciate having more access to the political decisions, and they may feel a growth in the influence of the vote. Their evaluation can be different depending on the type of MDD, how many happened in the recent history, the number and salience of issues. Considering another institutional variable (MDDs) to explain citizens' opinions is interesting because it is easier to change institutions than alter cultural and socio-economic structures. Despite the limited number of available cases to test with data from Latinobarometro surveys (1996-2009), the results indicate that MDDs have more positive impact on people's perceptions of vote efficacy – from 16% to 82% more probability – than elections (12%). Also, mandatory plebiscites and MDDs on very salient issues are more likely to influence citizens' feelings about the vote than presidential approval, interpersonal trust, trust in Congress and good evaluation of the country economic situation.publicmechanisms of direct democracyregime performanceexternal efficacyLatin Americamultilevel modelsNational Mechanisms of Direct Democracy and Citizens' Perceptions of Vote Efficacy in Latin Americaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8361x62b2014-06-04T14:51:15Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8361x62bKubbe, Inaauthor2014-05-15Recent scandals all over Europe illustrate that corruption permeates political systems. In 2013, Thorbjørn Jagland, Secretary General of the Council of Europe even claimed that “Corruption is the biggest threat to democracy in Europe today”. Generally, corruption is detrimental to economic, social and political development and, in particular, violates the fundamental principles of democracy. Given its large negative impact, much stands to be gained from understanding the causes of corruption, especially in relation to region-specific factors, and the ways in which it can be reduced.Building on prior corruption research, this study investigates the extent and dynamics of corruption in European states both longitudinally as well as cross-nationally; employing multiple levels of analysis. The study considers 37 European countries at the macro level and 20 countries at the micro level, over the period 1995-2010.My findings reveal that a country’s contextual conditions such as the economic development, international integration, women’s percentage in parliaments, Protestantism, the degree and duration of democracy and historical factors such as the post-communist past influence the extent of corruption over time and across European countries. Furthermore, I have identified that corruption is likely experienced differently depending on certain values, norms, and attitudes such as interpersonal trust and the justification of bribery. However, socio-demographic features such as an individual’s gender, age, employment status and level of income do not show any influence.Overall, this bundle of factors adding up to a specific “democratic culture” that hinders the growth of corruption by generating strong democratic institutions and fostering citizen norms and values aimed at monitoring and sanctioning corrupt actors. As a result, democracy promotion seems to be the best remedy against corruption spread in Europe.publicCorruptionDemocracyEuropeDemocratic CultureInterpersonal TrustThe Bigger Picture of Corruption: Europe in Comparative Perspectivearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9dt449bq2014-05-05T18:29:04Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9dt449bqDeSipio, Louisauthor2014-05-04That U.S. immigration policy has shaped the demography, size, and potential for routine political influence of Latino and Asian American populations is a truism. What is perhaps less acknowledged, but also increasingly clear is that debates over U.S. immigration policy (and Congressional and Executive inaction and posturing) are shaping the politics of Latino and Asian American communities for the next generation. In this paper, I examine the factors that shape Latino and Asian American attitudes toward U.S. immigration policy with a particular eye to whether generational differences in Latino and Asian American communities predict different preferred outcomes of the national debate on immigration policy. This generational question is one that will take on increasing influence in coming years as the children and grandchildren of today’s immigrants make up a larger and larger share of these panethnic populations. This paper speaks to three sets of scholarly questions. First, I analyze the predictors of attitudes toward immigration policies in the contemporary debate among Latinos and Asian Americans. Second, I assess whether there are predictable differences in these attitudes across immigrant generations. Finally, I compare Latino and Asian American attitudes. I find that Latinos and Asian Americans do not speak with one voice on immigration reform. Interestingly, the starkest differences are seen across immigrant generations in these communities. Latino immigrants are more likely than other Latinos to prefer legalization as the core policy outcome. Asian immigrants are more likely than other Asian Americans to prefer a policy outcome that creates opportunities for migrants with skills to migrate. Needless to say, these are not mutually exclusive as bills being debated in Congress today include both elements, but they certainly offer a different staring point for shaping policy.publicLatinosAsian Americansimmigration policyimmigrant generationcomprehensive immigration reformNew Voices in U.S. Immigration Debates: Latino and Asian American Attitudes Toward the Building Blocks of Comprehensive Immigration Reformarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1kz610j92014-05-05T17:15:51Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1kz610j9Alexander, Amy C.authorWelzel, Christianauthor2014-05-02This article presents evidence for a rising emancipatory spirit, across generations and around the world, in a life domain in which traditional family, fertility and sex (FFS) norms have been most resistant to emancipatory gains since the ages: reproductive freedoms. We propose an explanation of rising emancipative values that integrates several theoretical approaches into a single idea—the utility ladder of freedoms. Specifically, we suggest that objectively improving living conditions--from rising life expectancies to broadening education to better technologies—transform the nature of life from a source of threats to suffer into a source of opportunities to thrive. As living conditions begin to hold more promise for increasing population segments, societies climb the utility ladder of freedoms: supporting universal freedoms becomes increasingly instrumental to use the opportunities that a more promising life offers. This trend has begun to spill over into a life domain in which traditional FFS norms have until recently been able to block emancipatory gains: reproductive freedoms. We present (1) cross-national, (2) longitudinal, (3) generational and (4) multi-level evidence on an unprecedentedly broad basis in support of this theory.publicemancipative valuesexistential opportunitiesreproductive freedomssecular valuessex normsutility ladder of freedomsRising Support for Reproductive Freedoms: Emancipatory Breakthroughs into a Bulwark of Traditionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5pb0595n2014-05-05T17:07:21Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5pb0595nShin, Doh Chullauthor2014-05-01Is democracy emerging as the universally preferred political system, as advocates of the global democratization thesis claim? This paper seeks to explore this question in the context of East Asia, a region known for democratic underdevelopment. To this end, we first provide a critical review of how previous survey-based studies were conducted to estimate the relative preference of democracy as a political system. We then introduce hybridization as a new conceptual tool for ascertaining the emerging patterns of political orientations among citizens of authoritarian and post-authoritarian societies and for analyzing the contours of cultural change taking place in those societies. Finally, we analyze the latest, third wave of the Asian Barometer surveys conducted in eleven East Asian countries conducted in 2010 and 2011. On the basis of this analysis, we argue that it is premature to claim that democracy is emerging as the universally preferred system. Further, we argue that hybridization, unlike democratization, can serve as a concept capable of revealing and illuminating the true nature of cultural change taking place in post-authoritarian and authoritarian societies. publicdemocratizationhybridizationhybridizerspolitical cultureregime preferencesCultural Hybridization in East Asia: Exploring an Alternative to the Global Democratization Thesisarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6h15w16s2014-05-05T17:00:42Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6h15w16sGrofman, BernardauthorGarcia, Jenniferauthor2014-04-02We offer a new tool to improve matchups between surname and ethnicity, illustrating the use of this method with data on Spanish surname matching drawn from the U.S. Census. We first show that there is no such thing as the proportion of bearers of a given name who are Hispanic. How Hispanic any given name will turn out to be is a function of the overall Hispanicity of the population, which will affect both the distribution of names and the conditional probability that the possessor of any given name will be Hispanic. We then propose a simple approach, using only two common names -- one of which is far more likely to be Hispanic and one of which is far more likely to be non-Hispanic -- that allows us to generate, via Bayes Theorem, remarkably accurate estimates about the size of Hispanic populations in California cities from very limited data, here the ratio of those with the name ‘Garcia’ to those with the name ‘Anderson’. publicSurname analysis Hispanic population estimatesSpanish surnameBayes TheoremType I and Type II errorSocial science methodologyvoting rightsexpert witness testimonyUsing Spanish Surname Ratios to Estimate Proportion Hispanic via Bayes Theoremarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8r6839832013-06-06T01:27:05Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8r683983Veiga, Lucianaauthor2013-06-05Economic growth and social investment has promoted significant poverty reduction and, therefore, dominated the Latin American agenda from 1995 to 2010. How does economic voting take place in this context? I suggest the effect of macroeconomic variables occur mostly indirectly, that is, macroeconomic results impact voters’ economic evaluation, which in turn determines the ruling party's electoral outcome. In this investigation, aggregated data from legislative (60) and presidential (58) elections of 18 countries were used. Growth and inflation did not have a direct impact on ruling parties' electoral outcomes, but social investment did just in case of presidential elections. Growth and social investment affected retrospective economic evaluations, which in turn affected the incumbent's electoral outcome.publicEconomic VotingLatin American ElectionsGrowth and Poverty ReductionEconomic Voting in an Age of Growth and Poverty Reduction: Electoral Response in Latin America (1995-2010)articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5jq790f82013-05-27T20:54:12Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5jq790f8Römmele, AndreaauthorCopeland, Laurenauthor2013-04-05When digital media emerged in the early 1990s, many were hopeful that political parties would utilize the technology to mobilize disengaged voters. Instead, parties established websites that appealed to supporters. Did this change with the introduction of interactive media like social networking sites (SNS) in the Web 2.0 era? Using survey data from the 2009 German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we find that parties are able to reach beyond their base by disseminating campaign information through social networking sites. Unlike earlier studies, which found that parties tended to mobilize male party members who were older, wealthier, and more educated, we find that younger party members and non-members who strongly identify with political parties are more likely to see campaign information through social networking sites, regardless of their income, education, or gender. Moreover, party members are more likely than non-members to share campaign information on social media sites. Additional findings and implications are discussed.publicpolitical partiesdigital mediaInternetparticipationcampaigns and electionsmobilizationcitizen-driven online campaigningBeyond the Base? Political Parties, Citizen Activists, and Digital Media Use in the 2009 German Federal Election Campaignarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt538243k22013-02-15T17:11:15Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/538243k2Cantijoch, MartaauthorCutts, DavidauthorGibson, Rachelauthor2013-02-15This paper uses original survey data from the 2010 UK General Election to examine two central questions about e-participation: how people engaged with the online campaign; and whether any mobilization effects of e-campaigning activity can be detected in terms of increasing individuals’ likelihood of participating after the election. Following our previous work, were-test and confirm a measurement model of e-campaign activities. Through exploratory factor analyses, we identify our three dimensions of e-campaign participation: e-information, e-party and e-expressive. We then show how these activities differentially predict subsequent online political participation: e-donate, e-contact, e-petition and e-discuss. We do this using a panel study design that allows us to impose robust controls on pre-existing levels of political engagement. Our results show that for the most part levels of pre-election engagement in e-donating, e-contacting and e-petitioning explain much of the post-election commitment to do so, and that online campaign involvement does not add significantly to this intention. However we have found that use of the internet during the campaign to obtain information does appear to have a lasting effect on the likelihood of discussing politics, even when prior propensity toward discussion is controlled for. We have further observed a significant negative association between engagement in formal e-campaign activities (e-party) and a later proclivity to take part in a direct democracy initiative online (e-petition). Our findings are in line with a growing conclusion that the internet’s role in stimulating participation is likely to be more complex than a simple direct effect andsupport the claim for adopting a more nuanced approach to the analysis of the mobilization effects.publicparticipationinternetUK general election 2010mobilizationInternet Use and Political Engagement: The Role of E-Campaigning as a Pathway to Online Political Participationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2b9935g52012-07-15T19:38:32Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2b9935g5McGann, Anthony Jauthor2012-06-12InVieth v. Jubilirer(2004) the Supreme Court found that claims of political gerrymandering could not be adjudicated by the courts. The reason for this was the finding that there did not exist a suitable standard to determine the existence of a political gerrymander that was both constitutionally justified and practically manageable. This paper questions the social science assumptions behind this finding. In particular it questions the assertion that the proposed standard that a majority of voters should be able to elect a majority of representative rests on a group right to equal representation, which does exist in the Constitution. Using social choice theory it is shown that the standard can be sustained strictly in terms of granting equal rights to individuals. The paper also considers how such a standard could be practically applied.publicSupreme Courtdistrictingelectionsfairness14th AmendmentDoes Partisan Gerrymandering Violate Individual Rights? Social Science and Vieth v. Jubilirerarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1d27v0hd2012-05-28T23:35:00Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1d27v0hdFerris, J. StephenauthorWiner, Stanley L.authorGrofman, Bernardauthor2012-05-20This paper is concerned with the effectiveness of Westminster parliamentary institutions in ensuring the stability of a nation’s public finances. Our starting point and major hypothesis is that the governance structure embodied in Canada’s parliamentary system has contributed importantly to the maintenance of fiscal stability. The fact that the Government of Canada, like the central government of many other modern democracies, has survived for over a century without default on its public debt means that in some meaningful sense, long run responsibility with respect to the nation’s finances has in fact been achieved, and we show that this is in fact the case. Hence a more meaningful test of our main hypothesis requires the designation of specific sub-periods when the ideological background for political policy making changed and/or when the institutions and organizations for operationalizing policy varied in ways that either improved or discouraged responsible fiscal performance. We consider ideational and institutional factors that are predicted to either enhance or detract from accountability and fiscal stability, including central banking, the adoption of Keynesianism, inflation targeting and periods of minority government, and test for their effects on long run stability of the debt to GDP ratio using data for almost the entire history of the modern state from 1867 to 2008.publicWestminster parliamentary governmentaccountabilityideational and institutional factorssustainability of public debtKeynesianismcentral bankingminority governmentcointegrationeconomic history of CanadaDo Departures From Democratic Accountability Compromise the Stability of Public Finances? Keynesianism, central banking, and minority governments in the Canadian system of party government, 1867 – 2009articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3nh085bd2012-05-28T23:27:21Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3nh085bdBeaudonnet, Laurieauthor2012-05-01European studies unanimously designate 1992 as a breaking point in European public opinion. The 1992 dramatic drop in support for Europe has been analyzed as a side-effect of the Maastricht Treaty: the establishment of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) raised citizens’ awareness of the economic implications of EMU. In this paper I hypothesize that the financial pressures that came along with the EMU raised concerns about the potential consequences for the level of social protection and labour market (de-) regulation. This paper assesses the empirical validity of this hypothesis by analyzing the effect of redistribution on support for Europe over time, in three steps. I investigate first the effects of redistribution on general support for Europe. Then, I narrow down the focus to concerns about the EU's impact on social protection. Finally, I investigate specific support for a European social policy. This paper provides a Time Series Cross Section analysis of public opinion in the European Union first fifteen member states, from 1996 to 2006, using Eurobarometer data. Time Series Cross Section and Cross Section analyses conjointly show a robust effect of redistribution on attitudes towards Europe and contribute to our understanding of the foundations of political support in multi-level regimes. European redistribution produces a general European political allegiance that can almost compete with the one induced by national redistribution. But, when it comes to specific support and which authority should be in charge of social protection, general support does not translate easily into strong preferences for European competences. Specific support for a European social policy results from a strong cost/benefit calculation effect: people want to delegate social protection to the EU when their national system fails them.publicPublic opinionEuropean integrationPolitical supportRedistributionSocial policyTime series cross-sectionYou Don't Bite The Hand That Feeds You: The Impact Of Redistribution On Attitudes Towards Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt50x011vk2012-05-28T23:26:56Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/50x011vkQuaranta, Marioauthor2012-05-05What is the trend of unconventional participation in Italy and how do we measure it? This article analyzes the rise of unconventional participation in Italy from 1976 to 2009, focusing on measurement equivalence over time to produce unbiased estimates and to meaningfully compare means. The results show that the concept and the measure of unconventional participation are unidimensional and equivalent across time. Further, there has been a significative increase in the levels of unconventional participation and a differentiation in its distribution.publicUnconventional participationprotestmeasurement equivalencemulti-group confirmatory factor analysisItalyThe Rise of Unconventional Political Participation in Italy: Measurement equivalence and trend over time, 1976-2009articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2538g9pz2012-02-16T19:42:31Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2538g9pzMoon, Woojinauthor2012-02-02The objective of this article is to present a theory that analyzes the effects of legislative institutions and party discipline on policy stability. In this paper, I generalize Krehbiel’s (1998) U.S. lawmaking model by reformulating it within the veto player framework. A major finding of this article is that legislative institutions have differential effects on policy stability depending on party discipline, and that party discipline also has differential effects depending on legislative institutions. This article also yields two important results that do not support the conventional wisdom that divided government works better with party indiscipline and unified government does better with party discipline. First, the cause of non-differential lawmaking across government types in the U.S. Congress is not party indiscipline but legislative institutions that provide both of the governing and opposition parties with symmetric veto powers. Second, gridlock not only occurs but also increases under unified government with a disciplined majority under the U.S. legislative rules.publiclegislative institutionsparty disciplinepolicy stabilityveto playerspivotal playersThe Effects of Legislative Institutions and Party Discipline on Policy Stability: A Comparative Analysisarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3jq8b5c92012-02-16T19:42:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3jq8b5c9Ke, ChangxiaauthorKonrad, Kai A.authorMorath, Florianauthor2012-02-07Our experimental analysis of alliances in conflicts leads to three main findings. First, even in the absence of repeated interaction, direct contact or communication, free-riding among alliance members is far less pronounced than what would be expected from non-cooperative theory. Second, this possible solidarity among ‘brothers in arms’ when fighting against an outside enemy may rapidly deteriorate or disappear as soon as the outside enemy disappears. Third, when fighting an outside enemy, ‘brothers in arms’ may already anticipate future internal conflict about dividing the spoils of winning; however, this subsequent internal conflict does not discourage alliance members from expending much effort in the contest against the external enemy.publicallianceconflictcontestfree-ridinghold-up problemsolidarityBrothers in Arms - An Experiment on the Alliance Puzzlearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8sx7f80w2012-02-16T19:37:42Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8sx7f80wKonrad, Kai A.authorMorath, Florianauthor2012-02-04We investigate redistributive taxation in a political economy experiment and determine how different patterns of social mobility affect the choices of redistributional taxes. In the absence of social mobility, voters choose tax rates that are very well in line with the prediction derived in the standard framework by Meltzer and Richard (1981). However, past or future changes in the income hierarchy affect the choice of the tax rate in the current period. The same is true for social mobility within the period to which the tax rate choice applies and for the case where the choice of the tax rate takes place behind the veil of ignorance. Due to our design of the experiment, these strong effects of own social mobility cannot be attributed to social or other-regarding preferences.publicredistributionmedian votersocial mobilitySocial Mobility and Redistributive Taxationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5pp026jd2011-11-29T19:50:48Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5pp026jdMoon, Woojinauthor2011-11-29In this paper,I argue that the essential features of political competition are collective decision making and forced consumption of political products that incur conformity costs. A concern about conformity costs motivates citizens to influence policymaking by offering electoral resources. I elaborate this idea into a single spatial model in which citizens are specified not only as voters (consumers) but also as political activists (investors). I find that position taking by a candidate with a valence advantage depends on the types of electoral resources the candidate uses to advertise his valence. If the advantaged candidate depends on exogenous (endogenous) resources, the candidate adopts a more moderate (extreme) policy than the other candidate. This paper also finds a result that has normative implications on theories of representation:the general public is more represented if citizens act as consumers whereas a majority is more represented if citizens act as investors.publicpolitical transactionpolitical activismposition takingcandidate valencerepresentationPolitical Activism, Candidate Position and Valence, and Representation: Theory of Political Transactionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5741049d2011-11-29T19:24:21Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5741049dTate, Katherineauthor2011-11-29Minority incorporation or empowerment theories have not advanced much beyond the assertion that minority influence increases as their numbers in office increase. However, political incorporation is a two-sided process. Not only do minorities struggle for representation in the political system, fighting established groups in the system and racism, but there is a second struggle over how these newly-incorporated groups will lead. Incorporation favors political moderation even as newly-incorporated liberal members seek to liberalize their party. Over time, there is concordance. Data analyzed from Poole and Rosenthal (2007) show that African American House members have become less liberal over time as the Democratic Party has liberalized. Furthermore, African American legislators are less likely to vote as a bloc (except on the CBC’s alternative budget), and have joined other caucus groups as they seek to expand their influence as both liberals and moderates.publicBlackspolitical incorporationthe Congressional Black CaucusU.S. congressthe presidencyThe Congressional Black Caucus and a Theory of Concordancearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1ms528xd2011-11-29T19:24:17Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1ms528xdSolinger, Dorothy J.author2011-11-29Taking the new urban poor as a focus, it is clear that the issue of “the right to the city” in China is bound up with the problem that the streets have become unfriendly to those doing informal work. This situation is the product of several changes in recent decades: principally, as the leadership became concerned with making the country fit into the global market, it engineered a program of mass layoffs in the late 1990s, disposing of workers who were less skilled and older than 35. At the same time, in an effort to bring in foreign capital, cities have become the captives of local governmental-business coalitions that emphasize orderly, modernized urban streetscapes. These developments have meant that even as the less qualified have been dismissed from positions of lifetime employment, they have also effectively been discouraged from earning an income through casual labor on the sidewalks. The upshot is that the poor have no real “right to the city” even when they desperately need one to survive.public“right to the city” urban poorregime of propertymarketizationglobal economyMinimum Livelihood GuaranteedibaohuChinaEnticing the Global Gaze, The Contention for Urban Spatial Rights in Chinaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9gr6c18k2011-11-29T19:24:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9gr6c18kCísař, OndřejauthorVráblíková, Kateřinaauthor2011-11-20The paper focuses on social movement organizations (SMOs) in one country in order to explore the level of their transnational activism, and account for their transnational strategies. The paper shows 1) what the level of transnationalisation of SMOs is, 2) what types of transnational strategies SMOs employ, and 3) what explains these strategies. First, although a number of studies on transnational social movements have been published, systematic evidence on transnationalisation remains limited. This especially concerns the new members of the EU. Therefore, the first goal of this paper is to analyze the whole population of SMOs and their level of transnationalisation in one country, the Czech Republic. Second, the issue of the types of strategies SMOs perform transnationally remains open. Employing principal component analysis, we differentiate among three types of transnational activities: lobbying, protest, and public persuasion. Third, the paper asks why organisations select the observed transnational strategies. Drawing on resource mobilization theory, the paper focuses on the effect the EU has had on Czech SMOs. Did it contribute to their de-radicalization and cooptation by the political elite, or did it instead empower them to engage in transnational politics? While according to the cooptation hypothesis EU funding contributed to the de-radicalization of SMOs, the empowerment thesis argues that EU money in fact enabled local organizations to engage in transnational activity, protest included. The results of our analysis tend to support the empowerment hypothesis.publicsocial movement organizationstransnational protestEU fundingcooptationpatronageEuropean UnionCzech RepublicTransnational Strategies and their Determinants: Czech Social Movement Organizations Acting Abroadarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3db6b4ws2011-07-04T03:25:20Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3db6b4wsAlexander, Amy C.authorWelzel, Christianauthor2011-04-28Evidence that Muslims support patriarchal values more than Non-Muslims is abundant but the nature of this evidence is contested. The ‘cultural’ interpretation suggests that patriarchal values are an inherent element of Muslim identity. The ‘structural’ interpretation holds that patriarchal values reside in structural characteristics and have little to do with Muslim identity. Evidence on these contradictory claims is inconclusive. Neither have advocates of the cultural position shown that Muslim support for patriarchal values remains robust under control of structural characteristics; nor have proponents of the structural position demonstrated that Muslim support for these values vanishes under such controls. Filling this gap, we use multi-level models to test whether Muslim support for patriarchal values vanishes under control of patriarchy’s structural underpinnings. We find that Muslim support for patriarchal values is robust against various controls. And, we identify mosque attendance as a mechanism to sustain Muslim support for patriarchy in Non-Muslim societies. Yet, rising levels of education, labor market participation, and a glacial emancipative trend diminish Muslim support for patriarchy, especially among women.publicemancipationIslamgender equalitypatriarchypatriarchal valuesresource curseHow Robust Is Muslim Support for Patriarchal Values? A Cross-National Multi-Level Studyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3q5596zz2011-07-04T03:05:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3q5596zzBishin, Benjamin G.authorSmith, Charles Anthonyauthor2011-03-09Over the past half-century, students of democratic representation have investigated the extent to which elected officials act as their constituents prefer. Less attention has been paid to the fact that in addition to popular sovereignty, however, modern republican democracy is characterized by the values of liberty and equality. Democratic theorists suggest that these latter values should prevail in cases of conflict when the issue in question speaks to citizens’ fundamental rights, as is the case with gay marriage. We examine this question of representation and responsiveness with respect to gay marriage, an issue of importance to the gay community—a small and intense group that struggles to achieve policy success. We find that neither majoritarian nor capture-based theories of representation fully account for the lack of elected official responsiveness to this particular constituent interest group. Instead, our evidence supports the theory of subconstituency politics. Consequently, we find little reason for optimism that legislation supporting gay marriage is likely to pass both because gay marriage is opposed by a competing subconstituency, Evangelical Christians, who are intense and larger in number and because the systemic design inhibits the ability of minority groups to succeed legislatively in the face of comparable minority opposition.publicminority group representationgay rightssub-constituency politicsDOMAGay Rights and Legislative Wrongs: Representation of Gays and Lesbiansarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt91g8n5cd2011-07-04T02:58:33Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/91g8n5cdSmirnov, OlegauthorSmith, Charles Anthonyauthor2011-03-04Using the Martin-Quinn ideology scores, we show that U.S. Supreme Court justices strategically respond to Supreme Court membership change. At the aggregate level, the Court moves to counter-balance the ideological change brought about by a new justice. The behavior is most prevalent in 1938-1948, which we call a period of “Constrained Liberalism” and 1975-1995, which we call a period of “Constrained Conservatism.” Counter-balancing is less prevalent throughout the 1950s – early 1970s when justices either ignored or amplified ideological shifts caused by the membership change (especially liberal shifts in 1960s). At the individual level, membership change in the conservative direction leads to a greater response from liberal justices while a change in the liberal direction leads to a greater response from the conservative justices. One implication of our results is that the prevalence of this counter-balancing reaction to membership change has a stabilizing effect on the aggregate ideology of the Supreme Court.publicSupreme Courtstrategic interactionattitudinal modelDrift, Draft, or Drag: How U.S. Supreme Court Justices React to New Membersarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0cg4b9s22011-07-04T02:01:48Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0cg4b9s2Miller, Peterauthor2011-02-02Torture is (almost) universally condemned as barbaric and ineffective, yet it persists in the modern world. What factors influence levels of support for torture? Public opinion data from 31 countries in 2006 and 2008 (a total of 44 country-years) are used to test three hypotheses related to the acceptability of torture. The findings, first, show that outright majorities in 31 country-years reject the use of torture. Multiple regression results show that countries with high per capita income and low domestic repression are less likely to support torture. Constraints on the executive have no significant effect on public opinion on torture.publictorturepublic opinioncomparative politicsTorture Approval in Comparative Perspectivearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0kv4q43w2011-07-03T17:31:05Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0kv4q43wFraenkel, JonauthorGrofman, Bernardauthor2004-01-07A fundamental challenge faced by many countries is the accommodation of ethnic and religious diversity. The search for methods to mitigate or resolve conflicts in plural societies has been a major concern of both scholars and politicians, and there is a vast literature on this topic. This general debate about appropriate institutional design for plural societies plays itself out in terms of arguments about choice of electoral system. The two key academic protagonists in the debate over the appropriate electoral system to use in plural societies are Arend Lijphart, in his work on power sharing and consociationalism, and Donald Horowitz, in his work on constitutional design and ethnic accommodation. The former has advocated list PR, the latter advocates methods such as AV. Their two approaches to electoral system choice in plural societies are widely viewed as being in direct opposition to one another, both by academics studying ethnic conflict and by politicians in plural societies, themselves. This paper focuses on Horowitz’s approach to the use of the alternative vote as a tool for mitigating ethnic conflict. We illustrate such a situation hypothetically for the case of Fiji, a country where, largely due to Horowitz’s influence, in 1999, the alternative vote was adopted for national parliamentary elections.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersminoritiesethnicityA Neo-Downsian Model of the Alternative Vote as a Mechanism for Mitigating Ethnic Conflict in Plural Societiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5dp5945z2011-07-03T17:29:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5dp5945zCichowski, Rachelauthor2000-11-15The need for political participation dominates our theoretical understandings of democratic stability. Furthermore, prevailing democratic political culture models extol a mixed culture of participants and warn of the dangers of wide spread deference. This paper tests the ability of these models to account for democratic societies characterized by high levels of deferential and personalistic political behavior. The analysis examines how a country with highly "authoritarian" social and political structures can establish a stable democracy and sustain it for more than seventy years. The historical and survey data included in this analysis offer evidence of how authoritarianism and personalism are integral elements in sustaining Irish democracy. The findings bring into question dominant explanations for democratic stability and suggest how Eckstein's theory of congruence provides new insights into the puzzle of Irish democracy.publicdemocracydemocratic politicspolitical cultureparticipationSustaining Democracy: A Study of Authoritarianism and Personalism in Irish Political Culturearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt13n5q9qx2011-07-03T17:12:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/13n5q9qxLijphart, Arendauthor1996-12-19Low voter turnout is a serious democratic problem for five reasons: (1) It means unequal turnout that is systematically biased against less well-to-do citizens. (2) Unequal turnout spells unequal political influence. (3) U.S. voter turnout is especially low, but, measured as percent of voting-age population, it is also relatively low in most other countries. (4) Turnout in midterm, regional, local, and supranational elections -- less salient but by no means unimportant elections -- tends to be especially poor. (5) Turnout appears to be declining everywhere. The inequality problem can be solved by institutional mechanisms that maximize turnout. One option is the combination of voter-friendly registration rules, proportional representation, infrequent elections, weekend voting, and holding less salient elections concurrently with the most important national elections. The other option, which can maximize turnout by itself, is compulsory voting. Its advantages far outweigh the normative and practical objections to it. This article has been removed from the eRepository website since it is now published: American Political Science Review vol. 91 (March 1997): 1-14.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionselectionsparticipationUnequal Participation: Democracy's Unresolved Dilemmaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2zx2t78x2011-07-03T16:19:12Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2zx2t78xKaminski, Marekauthor2003-02-01The 1989 Eastern European revolutions produced systematic failures in which various social, economic, and political players to coordinate on mutually beneficial solutions. The old institutional grid--political, economic, and social--was destroyed and the new institutions were still in the making. The collective action problems born in this institutional vacuum contributed to political instability, economic under-performance, and social inefficiencies. This paper examines the cooperation and lack of cooperation among Polish political parties in the 1990s as examples of the failure to reach agreement among political actors.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentsvotersThe Collective Action Problems of Political Consolidation: Evidence from Polandarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3518s09v2011-07-03T16:19:08Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3518s09vTaagepera, Reinauthor2001-11-01This study introduces a new way to measure the visibility of political science journals. Journal citation frequencies in two overviews of political science are found to approximate the hyperbolic pattern. On this basis, the number of citations for the top journal enables us to calculate the total number of citations in the source within 1 percent and also, with much lesser precision, the total number of journals cited. The pattern observed is well known in a very different field, namely the size of cities. This pattern has thus considerable generality and deserves further attention to its theoretical basis. At the same time, the following empirical findings are of interest.U.S. and non–U.S. political scientists agree on the predominance of journals published in the U.S. Shortfalls from hyperbolic expectations for third- and fourth-ranked journals may reflect the absence of strong central journals in Europe and East Asia. In terms of risk of rejection versus visibility: when accepted, one may be "most bang for the buck" by submitting work to European Journal of Political Research, Political Studies, and Public Choice –and the least when submitting to Philosophy and Public Affairs and Political Theory. Political science is found to receive impulses from economics and sociology, less so from psychology and philosophy, and almost none from anthropology.publiceducationsocial studiesJournal Citation Frequency: The Hyperbolic Patternarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2zn1t7bj2011-07-03T16:19:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2zn1t7bjSnow, Davidauthor2001-10-01This article provides an analytic overview of scholarly work on the concept of collective identity by considering its conceptualization and various empirical manifestations, the analytic approaches informing its discussion and analysis, and a number of theoretical and empirical issues, including a synopsis of the symbolic means through which collective identity is expressed and asserted. Although the scholarly roots of the concept can be traced to classical sociologists such as Marx and Durkheim, and more recently to the mid-century work of scholars such as Erik Erickson and Erving Goffman, it was not until the latter quarter of the past century that the concept generated an outpouring of work invoking the concept directly or referring to it indirectly through the linkage of various collectivities and their identity interests via such concepts as identity politics, identity projects, contested identities, insurgent identities, nationalism, imagined communities, identity movements and even social movements more generally. Conceptually, the essence of collective identity resides in a shared and interactive sense of "we-ness" and "collective agency." Although the concept is distinguished analytically from both personal identity and social identity, the three types of identity clearly overlap and interact. Empirically, collective identity can surface in a variety of contexts, although the preponderance of research has focused on its connection to gender, ethnicity, religion, nationalism and particularly social movements. Analytically, collective identity has generally been discussed from a primordial, structural, and/or constructionist standpoint. Primordial and structural approaches are discussed as variants of essentialism, which is contrasted to constructionism. Among other things, constructionism focuses attention on the symbolic expression and maintenance of collective identities.publicdemocracypolitical culturesocial movementsCollective Identity and Expressive Formsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8871q7rg2011-07-03T16:18:58Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8871q7rgRohlinger, Deanaauthor2001-10-01This study examines how ideologically opposed social movement organizations, the National Organization for Women (NOW) and Concerned Women for America (CWA), get media coverage during critical moments of the abortion debate. I analyze how organizational structure and identity facilitate or constrain a social movement organization's ability to get mainstream media coverage. Specifically, I use the social movement framing literature to analyze how the organizations strategically construct media frames and packages in response to opposition, the tactics they use to get media coverage, and the relative success of each organization's efforts in mass media outlets. The analysis suggests that an organization's media strategy matters, but that organizational structure and organizational identity color these strategies.publicdemocracydemocratic politicssocial movementsminoritiesCountermovement and Media Coverage Outcomes: A Case Study of the Abortion Debatearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7dc5b9dg2011-07-03T16:18:53Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7dc5b9dgBowler, ShaunauthorCarter, ElisabethauthorFarrell, David Mauthor2001-09-01This paper examines whether participation in the electoral process has become easier or more difficult for new political parties. We identify barriers that might facilitate or discourage the participation of new parties in elections. This involves both the rules of ballot access, as well as media access and campaign funding. Then, we assemble empirical evidence on the changes in these barriers in advanced industrial democracies. The paper also considers whether any observed institutional changes have had demonstrable impact on the number of new and small parties in these electoral systemspublicdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersStudying Electoral Institutions and their Consequences: Electoral Systems and Electoral Lawsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5ks3g9wm2011-07-03T16:18:48Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5ks3g9wmPahlavi, Rezaauthor2001-08-01On the eve of the 2001 presidential elections in Iran, Reza Pahlavi visited UCI and the Center to discuss the prospects for democratic reform in Iran. Pahlavi discussed the contradictions between the current clerical regime in Iran and the principles of freedom and democracy. He questioned whether the majority of the Iranian public supports the clerical-based regime. Pahlavi laid out an agenda for political reform in Iran, beginning with a guarantee of human rights, and including new economic and political exchanges with the West. Pahlavi's believes that Iran's goal should be the creation of a secular democracy.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionselectionsparliamentsvotersgovernmentIran at the Crossroadsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0t56v9nz2011-07-03T16:18:43Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0t56v9nzGlazer, Amihaiauthor2001-08-15Consider a politician or policymaker who collects information over time, but who imperfectly processes that information, by equally weighting old and new information. If the state of nature changes over time, then the official's performance may worsen with experience, and officials should be regularly replaced.publicdemocracylegislatureseconomicsOptimal Term Length When Misinformation Increases with Experiencearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0p00m81m2011-07-03T13:23:13Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0p00m81mStepan-Norris, JudithauthorSouthworth, Calebauthor2000-12-15Have left-wing politics spread from American workplaces to nearby communities where workers live? And, if so, under what conditions did this occur? We examine the class character of neighborhood-level voting in the 1952 presidential election and focus on how concentrations of workers from UAW Local 600, a left-wing union local, representing workers at the Ford River Rouge plant, influenced the result in Detroit, Michigan. Data come from the 1950 U.S. Census, precinct-level voting returns for the city of Detroit, and a 1953 traffic study which contains information on workplace and home locations. A spatial matrix of the census tracts in Detroit permits examination not only of the main effects of workplace on neighborhood, but also the effects of specific groups of workers and their political orientation on adjoining communities. We found, as hypothesized, that high concentrations of Ford Rouge workers in neighborhoods are significantly related to higher proportions of both Democratic and Progressive Party votes. Further, the adjacent communities with high concentrations of Ford Rouge workers influenced neighboring tracts to vote left. We also attempt to ascertain whether this effect is solely due to left-wing workers themselves voting left, or whether Rouge workers were able to exert a meaningful influence on other voters in their communities-- what we call a "context effect," for which we found evidence.publicdemocracydemocratic politicsvoterssocial movementssociologyeconomicspolicyparticipationWhere the Heart Is? A Geographic Analysis of Working-class Cultures in Detroit Neighborhoods, 1953articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6fr2g29k2011-07-03T10:42:10Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6fr2g29kHart, Garyauthor1998-11-18Senator Hart delivered this lectuare as a UC Irvine Regents Lecturer in 1998. He discusses the theoretical traditions of American democracy and reform issues that face the United States.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical culturelegislaturesvotersThe Spirit of the Agearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt24m571412011-07-03T10:41:08Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/24m57141Brunell, ThomasauthorGlazer, Amihaiauthor1999-03-15We examine three measures of governmental policy: state gasoline taxes, the federal discount rate, and the prime interest rate (which though set by banks is subject to political influence). All three variables show evidence of irrationality: they are not scale invariant (and thus violate Benford's Law) and show an aversion to use of the number ten.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionslegislatureseconomicspolicypublic choiceEvidence for the Irrationality of Governmental Policyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1nd4n3j92011-07-03T10:41:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1nd4n3j9Coffé, HildeauthorTorenvlied, Renéauthor2008-11-24Recently, scholars in party research have focused attention on questions of adaptation and change. This article isolates one particular phenomenon of party change—party merger—and presents a heuristic framework which seeks to explain why parties merge. The heuristic framework identifies three different types of factors that may act as catalysts for parties to merge: intra-party factors (within parties), inter-party factors (between potential merging partners), and contextual factors. These three different types of factors and their complex interplay are discussed and subsequently examined with reference to the merger process of two small Dutch Calvinist parties, the GPV and RPF, into the ChristenUnie.publicdemocratic politicspolitical partiesExplanatory Factors for the Merger of Political Partiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt850266jm2011-07-03T10:10:16Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/850266jmMurphy, Walterauthor2000-11-01This paper starts from what I take as two plain facts of political life: First, the maintenance of any constitutional order whatsoever requires some constitutional interpretation; and, second, the complex normative bases of constitutional democracy cause this necessity to operate especially often. Next comes the gist of the paper, the argument that, in a constitutional democracy, interpreters must exercise a wide range of discretion that inevitably allows, in fact frequently requires, a degree of creativity that may change the constitutional order. Either through a series of patches or a single dramatic restyling, the effect of constitutional interpretation will sometimes help create a new order. Finally, I briefly discuss the problems for political stability that the necessity of creative interpretation poses, leaving to the chapter that follows in the book itself a fuller discussion of this issue.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionslawConstitutional Interpretation as Constitutional Creation: The 1999-2000 Harry Eckstein Lecturearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6pk7p5zz2011-07-03T08:49:07Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6pk7p5zzSmith, David Aauthor1999-03-01This paper begins with some comments on the way globalization has been linked to neo-liberal ideology. Then, the discussion shifts to East Asian (and specifically South Korean) political economy. Premised on an appreciation of the distinctiveness of the East Asia situation and economic trajectory, I will move into discussion of three key points about economic governance/organization: 1) foreign direct investment or, the historical lack thereof, during the decades of growth, 2) continuing technological dependency and obstacles to innovation, and 3) the emergence of East Asian business structures and networks and the rise of flexible production. While my cursory examination of these themes is suggestive rather than conclusive, it leads to some tentative conclusions that question the wisdom of the type of neo-liberal "reforms" that agencies like the IMF and some regional political leaders are foisting on East Asia.publicdemocratic institutionseconomicspolicymacroeconomicsLessons of Global Neo-liberalism? The East Asian Economic Crisis Reconsideredarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4bs9x4hd2011-07-03T08:49:01Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4bs9x4hdTate, Katherineauthor1999-02-15This paper considers whether Black elected officials are essential to the political representation of African Americans today? Using data from 1996 National Black Election Study, I address this issue from the vantage point of Blacks themselves. Do Blacks feel that they are better represented in the U.S. system of indirect democracy when their representative is Black? In addition, how does the race of the House representative impact on their political behavior and attitudes? In other words, does Black representation in Washington lead Blacks to become more informed about and more active in national politics? And does Black representation affect attitudes that Blacks have about Congress as an institution more broadly?publicdemocracypolitical partieselectionsvotersraceparticipationAfrican Americans and Their Representatives in Congress: Does Race Matter?articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt11g4b77z2011-07-03T08:48:55Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/11g4b77zNewton, Lina Yvetteauthor1998-12-15Objective. This study explores factors that can either undermine or bolster political solidarity based on a shared "Latino" group identity by testing them within the context of Proposition 187. Methods. This research analyzes data from Field Polls conducted in October 1994, shortly before the general election where Proposition 187 appeared. Results. A set of multivariate analyses reveals that Latino support for 187 did not come from Latinos most likely to be economically threatened by immigration. Instead, Latinos who are non-citizens and who use Spanish as a primary language overwhelmingly opposed Proposition 187 because these are the Latinos who are most likely to face discrimination with the passage of the measure. Latinos who speak English and are citizens may have perceived no threat from 187, explaining why the supported the measure. The findings for Anglos corroborate other research showing that support for Proposition 187 was ideologically driven. Conclusion. The findings refine our understanding of the Latino population by 1) demonstrating that the group is not monolithic, and 2) identifying how issues of assimilation and cultural identity function to forge political divisions among Latinos.publicdemocracyelectionsvotingminoritiesparticipationethnicityWhy Latinos Supported Proposition 187: Testing the Economic Threat and Cultural Identity Hypothesesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9fz0h5f02011-07-03T08:48:45Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9fz0h5f0Solinger, Dorothyauthor1998-03-15This paper the linkages between "globalization," an essentially economic set of processes, and such political outcomes as inclusion and membership within the community (or what could be labeled participation rights, properties arguably as critical for democratic societies as is the ability to contribute to the determination of the leaders and policies of the state).publicdemocracygovernmentpolicymacroeconomicsVirtual Globalization and Outcomes for Membership: The Chinese Casearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt683198wq2011-07-03T08:48:36Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/683198wqTsebelis, GeorgeauthorKreppel, Amieauthor1997-03-15The purpose of this article is twofold. Our first goal is to make explicit an institutionalist theory of European integration. This theory is based on the concept of "conditional agenda setting," which we argue has played an important role in European integration. According to this theory, the fact that Commission proposals are more easily accepted than modified by the Council has accelerated the pace of integration. This finding brings us to the second goal of this article which is to investigate, by studying the history of EU institutions, whether or not these institutions were the result of conscious planning. We demonstrate that while some of the founding fathers (Hallstein, Spaak) and opponents of the EU (de Gaulle) had an accurate understanding of the institutional structures created in Rome, later participants in the integration process did not. In particular, the arguments surrounding the Single European Act indicate a lack of understanding of the full implications of the institutions selected.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partiesparliamentslegislaturespublic choiceTHE HISTORY OF CONDITIONAL AGENDA-SETTING IN EUROPEAN INSTITUTIONSarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7w39027t2011-07-03T08:48:31Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7w39027tTaagepera, Reinauthor1997-02-15Emerging democracies may go through a sequence of positive and negative attitudes toward foreign advice on electoral systems. My experience in Estonia makes me propose such a sequence, to see from the roundtable responses whether it has any generality. Based on a sample of one, the framework most likely will not hold, but reactions to it may help to map the field. Indirectly, I will touch on the touchy issue of whether the foreign advisors have failed to give adequate advice or whether local politicians have failed to take sound advice. Of course, it is neither and both, to some degree, plus honest misunderstandings. I will examine to what extent our systematic and analytical knowledge of electoral systems enables Western political scientists to offer advice to emerging democracies, and my conclusions are rather modest. I will briefly digress from impact of political science advice for emerging democracies to the latter's impact on political science discourse, focusing on Duverger's rule.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical partiesparliamentsThe Tailor of Marrakesh: Western Electoral Systems Advice to Emerging Democraciesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6wm6d0mg2011-07-03T08:48:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6wm6d0mgBrians, CraigauthorGrofman, Bernardauthor1997-01-15The United States has lower turnout than almost all other long-term democracies. Low turnout in the U.S. has been blamed on a number of factors, but many authors have asserted that the personal burden placed on most voters to register in advance of the election and the need (in many states) for continued reregistration are major causes of low U.S. turnout. It is also well-known that those with higher SES characteristics tend to vote at higher rates. Indeed, the SES gap in turnout rates is higher in the United States than in other democracies. This fact has been a major concern for those who view political participation as a hallmark of democracy. Those concerned with low levels of U.S. turnout, particularly by the poor and the less well educated, have predicted that liberalizing U.S. voter registration laws will significantly improve turnout, and that the gains will be especially great among the groups who now vote at the lowest rates. Here we offer a rational choice model of turnout that leads us to expect the greatest turnout gains from virtually eliminating voter registration costs in the United States will instead accrue to those with medium income and education. We test this prediction longitudinally over the period 1972-1992 using a vast survey on political participation and a natural experiment comparing voters in states that adopted election day registration (EDR) with those residing in states maintaining more traditional closing dates. Contrary to much of the literature, citizens with medium education and medium income voted more under EDR, as the model predicts. We conclude that the methods used here better capture and empirically identify the curvilinear relationship between voter registration laws and the turnout probabilities at various SES levels.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionselectionsparticipationWhen Registration Barriers Fall, Who Votes? An Empirical Test of a Rational Choice Modelarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9pn259852011-07-03T08:48:22Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9pn25985Dalton, Russell J.author1996-12-01This essay reviews some recent major research advances in comparative political behavior. We focus on a few major areas of research: political culture, political participation, value change, and electoral choice. I chose these areas for two reasons. First, I believe that these areas have made significant scientific advances in recent years. Second, although these examples are largely drawn from research on advanced industrial societies, they also are relevant to the process of transition for emerging democracies. These are areas where we can expand our present knowledge in the context of this global wave of democratization.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical culturevotersparticipationDemocracy and its Citizens: Patterns of Political Changearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6c9087q72011-07-03T08:48:17Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6c9087q7Eckstein, Harryauthor1996-11-30This paper compares the first democratization wave in the early 1990s with the third wave of democratization in the late 20th century. The two "waves" thus are not so dissimilar as to make it implausible to look for guidance for the later process on the earlier. 1 If these reinforce established theories about the conditions of viable democracy, the theories themselves acquire added credibility and it seems even more prudent to base present actions on the historic lessons.An early version of this essay was presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, New York Hilton, September 1-4, 1994.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical cultureeconomicsgovernmentLessons for the "Third Wave" from the First: An Essay on Democratizationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt71x598x22011-07-03T08:48:12Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/71x598x2Bolzendahl, CatherineauthorCoffe, Hildeauthor2008-12-02Previous research suggests that men are more engaged in, knowledgeable about, and interested in citizenship compared to women. Yet, little is known about gender cleavages in citizenship norms. Do men and women simply define citizenship differently? To address that question, this study looks at citizenship norms using 2004 ISSP data among 18 Western, industrialized nations. Our results suggest the utility of a disaggregated approach to understanding definitions of citizenship. Among beliefs about citizenship responsibilities and rights, we examine political, civil, and social norms. After controlling for a variety of demographic and attitudinal influences, we find no difference in men and women’s political norms. When it comes to civil and social norms however, women view these responsibilities and rights as significantly more important than men.publicdemocratic politicspolitical culturesociologyminoritiesparticipationA Gender Gap in Citizenship Norms? The Importance of Political, Civil and Social Rights and Responsibilitiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3801w0n72011-07-03T08:48:07Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3801w0n7Lublin, DavidauthorBrunell, ThomasauthorGrofman, BernardauthorHandley, Lisaauthor2007-01-08Since race-conscious redistricting and the creation of effective minority districts remains the basis upon which most African-American and Latino officials gain election, the Voting Rights Act, including both Sections 2 and 5, remains a valuable tool to protect the ability of minorities to elect their preferred candidates. The evidence presented demonstrates that the fundamental argument in favor of the creation of majority-minority districts remains valid today: The vast majority of minority legislators still win election from majority minority districts. The share of non-black-majority districts with African-American state legislators and congressional representatives remains extremely low – 5 percent or less in 2005. Majority-Hispanic districts play a similarly crucial role in the election of Latino officials. The share of non-Hispanic-majority districts electing Latinos to legislative office is minuscule – less than 4 percent of these districts elected Latinos in 2005 in the ten states studied here. Latino-majority districts continue to elect the overwhelming majority of Latino officials.publicdemocratic politicselectionsgovernmentlawminoritiesraceethnicityDo We Still Need the VRA: In a Word "YES."articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7hq7j5kh2011-07-03T08:48:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7hq7j5khFeng, WangauthorTai, Tsui-oauthorYoujuan, Wangauthor2006-11-20This paper focuses on a small portion of the overall picture of rising inequality in China; the emerging trend and underlying patterns of poverty in Chinese cities. We ask and then attempt to answer the question of "who are more likely to fall under the poverty line." By examining the prevalence of poverty and especially the characteristics of those who fall within this group, we intend to gain some insights about the capabilities of those falling into the poor category, and about the durability of inequality. Falling under the lowest end of income distribution itself is significant, but the characteristics of those who fall into the poor category provide useful hints about the production and the reproduction of poverty.publicdemocratizationsociologyeconomicsA Decade of Rising Poverty in Urban China: Who Are More Likely to Fall Under?articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9j40k1m02011-07-03T08:47:57Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9j40k1m0Kittilson, Miki CauthorTate, Katherineauthor2004-03-01In light of the long histories of racial violence, discrimination, and organized protest by racial and ethnic minority groups in established democracies, it is imperative to examine how minority groups can achieve greater voice in the regular channels of the democratic process. In this paper we compare the inclusion of racial and ethnic minorities in political parties and the national legislatures of the U.S. and Britain. There are few previous comparative studies on this topic, and the broad comparative literature on numerical representation often focuses on theories of socialization and increasing the pool of applicants. We examine an influence that previous scholars have often neglected: the role of political parties in shaping minority representation. We highlight some conditions under which minority groups may achieve gains. Certain political and institutional ‘opportunity structures’ create incentives for under-represented groups to pursue top-down or bottom up strategies in their efforts for democratic inclusion.publicdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionslegislaturesvotersminoritiesraceethnicityPolitical Parties, Minorities and Elected Office: Comparing Opportunities for Inclusion in the U.S. and Britainarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1bx0n7t72011-07-03T08:47:50Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1bx0n7t7Field, Bonnie N.author2004-02-01Through a comparative study of Spain (1977-1989) and Argentina (1983-95), this article argues that pacted transitions depress access to positions of political leadership vis-à-vis transitions by collapse, as the literature hypothesizes. It posits that successful pact making in Spain required disciplined political parties and encouraged the adoption of party rules that concentrated candidate selection in the hands of the national party leadership, which facilitated elite continuity. Without the constraints of pact making, the Argentine parties permitted a greater degree of regional-party and rank-and-file participation, and the representation of internal factions, thereby encouraging renovation. However, it concludes that higher continuity in Spain did not have a net negative effect on democratic consolidation; rather, the different modes of transition produced distinct challenges and hurdles.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentsModes of Transition, Internal Party Rules, and Levels of Elite Continuity: A Comparison of the Spanish and Argentine Democraciesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt94q9j49b2011-07-03T08:47:44Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/94q9j49bSmith, DavidauthorTimberlake, Michaelauthor2002-12-01For most of the Twentieth Century, East Asia was among the least urbanized parts of the world; now it is a region where cities are growing the most rapidly and becoming increasingly important centers regionally and in terms of the global urban hierarchy. Tokyo is unquestionably a key "global city," with Hong Kong probably following not far behind, and Seoul and Taipei also moving up in the world city ranks as crucial national articulates of highly successful newly industrialized countries (NICS). At the other end of the spectrum, the teeming cities of the poor in southeast Asia seem to epitomize the appellation of Third World megacities. All the urban churning and foment that accompanies these dramatic transformations raise many questions. The very diversity of development trajectories and urban forms, functions and dynamics in the region is a caution against facile and premature attempts at generalization. But sensitivity to historical and cultural nuances and appreciation for variation also should not force social scientists to abandon a search for some comprehensive conceptual framework to understand the global dynamics of urbanization and (under) development.This paper approaches this problems sensitized to the theoretical notion of global cities, worlds cities, and global urban hierarchies. These terms are only theoretically meaningful (and empirically useful) if we think about cities in global urban networks and in the context of their places in the larger structure of the world-system. After laying out a conceptual framework, we provide some preliminary ideas about how East Asian urban patterns–and particular cities–might fit into the schema. Extending the conventional discourse of global city analysis, the discussion l also focuses on those swelling metropolises in southeast Asia that are at the bottom of the world hierarchy, and suggests that perhaps we need to return to old debates about dependent/peripheral cities and the relationship between urbanization and underdevelopment. Mindful that oversimplified images that flatten the diversity of urban trajectories in different countries and regions are unhelpful, we call for a more theoretically informed sociological analysis of comparative urban patterns and processes.publicdemocratic politicseconomicssocial studies"Global Cities" and "Globalization" in East Asia: Empirical Realities and Conceptual Questionsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt835859rr2011-07-03T08:47:40Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/835859rrUhlaner, Carole Jauthor2002-07-01Latinos are a large and growing portion of the US population but are less numerous among participants in politics than their numbers would suggest. Predictions of the future rates of participation among Latinos depend heavily upon understanding the causes of current rates. A substantial proportion of the disparity in participation rates between Latinos and non-Latinos can be accounted for by the numbers of noncitizens and by other factors related to a large pool of immigrants, differences in socioeconomic resources, and the young age distribution of Latinos. However, these summary statements obscure differences across types of participation. They also obscure differences across Latinos of different national origins. Much of the analysis done to date of the Latino National Political Survey (LNPS) has made clear that Puerto Ricans, Mexican-Americans, and Cuban-Americans can differ as much from each other as members of each group differ from non-Latinos. This paper uses the LNPS data to examine the factors related to different types of political participation among US Latinos of different national origins. Borrowing from the standard participation literature, we consider the impact of resources, engagement, and recruitment.The Latino population provides an especially useful case for testing hypotheses about the impact of mobilization upon activity. Political leaders have actively appealed to Latino ethnicity both in structuring political competition and in seeking support. I have proposed elsewhere that the success of such appeals in increasing participation will hinge in large part upon whether or not the targeted public believes itself well-represented by the leaders. The LNPS contains several items relevant to perceived representation. This paper will use the LNPS data to test the effect of perceived representation upon political participation, while taking account of the other factors that affect levels of activity.publicdemocracyelectionspolitical culturevotersraceThe Impact of Perceived Representation on Latino Political Participationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1qw266p82011-07-03T08:47:36Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1qw266p8Simpson, Alan K.author2002-04-01Alan K. Simpson, one of the most distinguished Senators of the last quarter century, delivered the 2001-02 Peltason Lecture at UCI. Simpson spoke about the challenges facing America in the post 9/11 era, which will require new efforts to deal with international terrorism–and the poten-tial financial and political costs of these efforts. He discussed the Bush administration's ability to deal with these new challenges, and the skills they bring to this task. He also high-lighted two major unresolved issues that he believes the US must address: nuclear waste and population growth– stressing the need to address these issues based on the facts, not on emotion or fear.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionsvotersgovernmentlawnationalpoliticsPolitics IS a Contact Sport: The 2001-02 Peltason Lecturearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5ms901w72011-07-03T08:47:25Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5ms901w7Dalton, Russell J.authorOng, Nhu-Ngoc T.author2001-11-01This report describes the preliminary findings from the World Values Survey conducted in Vietnam in 2001 within a comparative perspective of the 2000-01 World Values Survey (WVS). The WVS is a worldwide investigation of sociocultural and political change that has carried out representative national public opinion surveys in more than 65 societies on all six inhabited continents, containing almost 80% of the world's population. For the first time, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam joined the World Values Survey network. The Institute for Human Studies in Hanoi conducted the Vietnamese survey, under the direction of Prof. Pham Minh Hac. The Center for the Study of Democracy at the University of California in Irvine provided support for this study.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical culturevoterseconomicsThe Vietnamese Public in Transition: The 2001 World Values Surveyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt03h5n0nb2011-07-03T08:47:20Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/03h5n0nbVerba, Sidneyauthor2001-07-01This is the 2000-01 Eckstein Lecture at the Center for the Study of Democracy, UC Irvine. This paper consides the applicability of rational actor theory as well as cultural explanations to citizen engagement with politics. Citizen participation in politics is a crucial component of democracy, and studies of citizen participation have been a mainstay of political science analyses of democratic politics. Rational actor theory is one of the dominant modes of analysis in contemporary political science. But citizen participation and rational actor theory have had an uneasy relationship with one another. The paper considers these alternate models of civic engagement as applied to research on political participation in America.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical culturevotersCulture, Calculation, and Being a Pretty Good Citizen: Alternative Interpretations of Civil Engagementarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4mm1285j2011-07-03T08:47:16Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4mm1285jAlmond, Gabrielauthor1996-11-17This paper is a written version of a research colloquia presented at the Center for the Study of Democracy and the Department of Politics and Society, University of California, Irvine, November 1995. Almond discusses the development of the “Civic Culture” study and his views of political culture research since this landmark studypublicdemocracypolitical cultureThe Civic Culture: Prehistory, Retrospect, and Prospectarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt92x0t2ts2011-07-03T05:10:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/92x0t2tsSalvanto, Anthonyauthor1998-02-15This study uses actual ballots cast in the 1994 California General Election to test the following hypothesis: when voters are presented with candidates who take opposing, high-profile stances on an initiative measure, voters will link the two choices together on their ballots. The analysis shows that under such conditions, 1) a voter's initiative choice can be predicted by which of the candidates the voter chose; 2) that linkage is strong even after controlling for partisan and ideological voting patterns demonstrated throughout the ballot; 3) these linkages are relegated to the initiative which lay at the center of the candidates' debate, and to the candidates whose campaign themes had focused on the initiative question.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersvotingpolicyraceInitiatives as Running Mates: The Impact of a Candidate-Centered Initiative Campaignarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2rd8m4862011-07-03T05:10:20Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2rd8m486Rosenberg, Shawn W.author2004-01-15Although democracy is a contested concept, much of this contest begins with substantial agreement. Theorizing is anchored by a focus on the nature of the individual citizen. There follows a normative consideration of personal rights, namely autonomy and its social corollary, equality. The problem of democratic governance is conceived accordingly. It is one of crafting institutions that facilitate collective decision-making in a manner consistent with these fundamental values and thus with the common good. Beyond this quite general orientation, significant divergence emerges over how individuals are conceptualized and consequently over how autonomy and equality should be defined. Division over how best to institutionalize democratic governance follows. This paper focuses on the recent contribution to this theoretical debate made by the advocates of deliberative democracy. It briefly sketches the deliberative position, and then critically considers the adequacy of its conception of the individual and offer an alternative view of cognition, emotion and communication. I conclude by presenting the implications of this alternative for the understanding of the democratic values of autonomy and equality and for the conception of democratic procedure.publicdemocracypolitical culturevotersReconstructing the Concept of Democratic Deliberationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4c51z9mt2011-07-03T05:10:16Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4c51z9mtFarrell, David MauthorMcAllister, Ianauthor2004-02-20Since the onset of the current wave of democratization, there has been a growing interest in researching the institutional factors underlying citizen support for democracy. This has also, in part, reflected a renewed scholarly interest in seeking answers to the questions of whether and how institutions ‘matter’. Of all the institutions that may matter, few would deny that electoral systems are among the most significant. They are the central institutional design issue for a new polity to resolve; and they are also among the most malleable of the political institutions. The aim of this paper is to assess whether ballot structure has a wider impact on levels of voter satisfaction with democracy. This paper uses the latest wave of data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) to assess the role of ballot structure, as well as a battery of other electoral system and individual-level variables, in influencing voter satisfaction with democracy in thirty countries. Using an intra-party measure which identifies the main characteristics of preferential system, our comparative analysis has shown that such systems promote a greater sense of fairness about election outcomes among citizens, which in turn is a major component of the public’s satisfaction with the democratic system.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersVoter Satisfaction and Electoral Systems: Does Preferential Voting in Candidate-Centered Systems Make A Differencearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8g67t2jw2011-07-03T05:09:46Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8g67t2jwIngram, Helenauthor2000-12-01The core of the paper argues that public policy is directly related to the character of democracy and the definition of citizenship. My argument begins with some contextual conditions that I believe strongly argue for increased attention to the linkage between public policy and democracy. It then explores briefly the meaning, characteristics, and necessary condition of democracy, and next posits some hypothetical linkages between democratic conditions and public policy content or design. The bulk of this paper develops these pathways or linkages as a subject matter for political science.publicdemocracydemocratic politicspolicyResearch Agenda for Public Policy and Democracyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5n57x1c92011-07-03T04:47:38Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5n57x1c9Wuffle, Aauthor2008-12-02Recently, voter assistance aids (VAAs) have become available on the internet to help voters make election choices. Customarily these aids work by asking a set of questions about the voter’s policy preferences and then matching the voter’s answers to the presumed policy positions of the candidates or parties, and then devising some method of weighting the various questions so as to develop an overall assessment of voter-candidate or voter party proximity. The voter is then advised which candidate or party s/he is closest to. We offer a single five item discriminator as our preferred VAA for the 2008 U.S. Presidential election. Carefully conducted experiments with both business executives and students validate the predictive power of this instrument.publicdemocratic politicspolitical partieselectionsvotersvotingVoter Advice in the Presidential Election of 2008: A Guide for the Perplexedarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt98c3k24v2011-07-03T04:47:22Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/98c3k24vMartinez-Tapia, Oscarauthor2008-11-19The Spanish democratic transition and consolidation are internationally acclaimed. Yet there is one issue that poses a major puzzle to political scientists: the persistence of conflict over Spain’s territorial model. If it is true that democracy can better address territorial disputes, why is it that the Spanish territorial model continues to be widely contested? After a brief discussion of the theoretical literature on democracy and ethno-territorial conflict, this paper develops the following hypothesis: the territorial model is still openly contested in Spain because regional political elites vehemently push territorial agendas as a way to boost their electoral power within the Estado de las Autonomías. I present evidence from the content analysis of party manifestos (1977-2008) showing that the most relevant Catalan and the Basque parties have promoted the salience of the center-periphery dimension in their electoral programs while paradoxically receiving fewer votes. Moreover, public opinion surveys demonstrate that citizen’s attitudes towards the existing territorial model are steadily improving, and regional and national identities seem to be gradually overlapping better. It is soon to say, but democracy appears to be steadily solving the political conflict between Madrid and the regions at the street but not at the elite level.publicdemocracypolitical partieselectionsvotersvotingpoliticsparticipationTerritorial Dimension as Political Strategy: Elite-driven Center-Periphery Cleavage in Spain 1977-2008articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3545w14v2011-07-03T04:47:17Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3545w14vGallego, Ainaauthor2007-01-08The fact that social stratification factors are closely related to different levels of political participation is a classical issue that has relevant normative as well as explanatory implications for the study of participation. However, in the shift from the industrial to the information or knowledge society some patterns in that respect may be changing. This paper explores the effect of various possible sources of inequality on political participation (gender, age, social class, education, income, ethnicity, and working status) on four political activities, using data from the European Social Survey for 22 European countries. The frequency, consistency, and the mode specific patterns of the observed differences are taken into account to discuss which of these factors can be considered genuine sources of inequality. Overall, age and education emerge as the most widespread causes of distortion, while gender, membership in minorities, and occupational variables are less clearly related to participation. In conventional activity the differences are more predictable in the direction of the disadvantage, while demonstrators can be in some respects both under- and overrepresented among disadvantaged citizens. Finally, the fact that socio-economic inequalities in turnout are unambiguously visible in most European countries stands in sharp contrast with past research and deserves further attention.publicdemocracydemocratic politicselectionsvoterseducationminoritiesparticipationInequality in Political Participation: Contemporary Patterns in European Countriesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6xb2g2s92011-07-03T04:47:12Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6xb2g2s9De Sio, Lorenzoauthor2006-03-16Recent literature highlights how political knowledge and involvement matter for most political attitudes. Political involvement is here proposed as a second "spatial" dimension, orthogonally complementing left-right ideological positions of citizens. In such a space, a logical quantitative model is developed, hypothesizing that more involved citizens cast votes in a heavily structured manner, strongly connected to their overall ideological orientation, while less involved citizens present higher probabilities of voting for a party that apparently contradicts their self-declared ideological orientation. This logical quantitative model is then applied to data from the Italian National Election Studies 2001 survey. Results confirm the hypothesis, and show that the "competitive area", where voting probabilities are similar for both major blocs, is spatially quite narrow for very involved citizens, and significantly "widens" as the level of involvement decreases. Separate analyses are then carried out for different geo-political areas of the country, with interesting results.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersvotinggovernmentpoliticsPolitical Involvement and Electoral Competitionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5b49k5rc2011-07-03T04:47:07Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5b49k5rcShin, Doh Chullauthor2006-01-25During the past three decades, democracy has become a truly global phenomenon. This chapter discusses the important characteristics of the third wave of democratization in comparison to the earlier waves. How have the ordinary citizens of new democracies reacted to the process of democratizing their age-old authoritarian rule? How broadly and strongly have they embraced the values and norms of democracy as a political system and as a political process while rejecting those of authoritarian rule? What forces have oriented them toward or away from democracy? This essay addresses these two sets of questions concerning the contours, dynamics, and sources of the current wave of democratization still in progress from the perspectives of ordinary citizens.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical cultureDemocratization: Perspectives From Global Citizenriesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5t1223d42011-07-03T04:47:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5t1223d4Grofman, BernardauthorFeld, ScottauthorMasuoka, Natalieauthor2005-12-15We look at the structure of job placements in Ph.D. granting departments in political science: (1) in terms of conformity to the assumptions of what the social network theorist Scott Feld has called a vertical organization of ties (Feld, Bisciglia and Ynalvez, 2003); (2) in terms of patterns of direct and indirect (majority) influence of (sets of) departments on other departments, and (3) in terms of the regional geography of placements. We show how the structure of placements involves a small core set of departments which are able either directly and at first or second remove to “majority dominate” the discipline. We also consider the links between placements and department prestige. In particular, we demonstrate how the structure of placements forces downward mobility for most Ph.D.s.publicsociologyeducationnationalsocial studiesDirect And Indirect Influence Among Political Science Departments:articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0t31j44z2011-07-03T04:46:56Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0t31j44zAlbritton, Robert B.authorBureekul, ThawilwadeeauthorGang, Guoauthor2005-11-21This paper examines relative impacts of cultural socialization and interactions with government on support for democracy, democratic pluralism, regime legitimacy, and trust in government across eight Asian nations based upon surveys of populations in these countries. Results show that cultural socialization has more impact than Mishler and Rose observed in a study of institutional trust in Central Europe, but interactions with government also produce differences in attitudes. Inclusion of dummy variables indicates that identification of individual indicators allows substitution for country contexts.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical culturepoliticsContexts of Asian Democracy: A Cross-National, Within-Nation Analysis of Asian Nationsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt78x7984g2011-07-03T04:46:52Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/78x7984gRosenberg, Shawn W.author2005-03-03Deliberative democracy has emerged as a leading concern of political theory and its principles have guided over a 1000 experiments in citizen participation in local governance. Despite its importance, very little systematic empirical research has been conducted. Here an attempt is made to enumerate the key questions that should guide empirical research on the deliberative capacities of ordinary citizens, the qualities of the deliberative processes in which they participate and the effects of deliberation on collective outcomes and on individual participants. The paper closes with a discussion of the likely results of this research and their implications for a possible reconstruction of the theory and practice of deliberative democracy.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratic politicspoliticsparticipationThe Empirical Study of Democracy: Setting a Research Agendaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6q8631rv2011-07-03T04:46:46Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6q8631rvOng, Nhu-Ngoc T.authorMeyer, David S.author2004-04-01Protest, now ubiquitous in advanced industrialized societies, has become a useful window for examining all sorts of broader political phenomena. Using event data from newspaper reports, we trace protest by Vietnamese Americans over the past 26 years as a means to assess political incorporation. By looking at the issues, tactics, and development of protest within the Vietnamese American community, we get a sense of the development and incorporation of that community. We find that protest, particularly in the form of demonstrations, is a common form of making claims among Vietnamese-Americans, and that the issues expressed are primarily about foreign policy, directed toward the old homeland, rather than domestic political concerns. It is not clear whether mobilization on homeland issues provides a foundation for subsequent political mobilization on domestic issues, or whether it serves as a distraction from it.publicdemocracysocial movementsparticipationethnicityProtest and Political Incorporation: Vietnamese American Protests, 1975-2001articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt63d2d2m92011-07-03T04:46:42Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/63d2d2m9Charuworn, AnitaauthorCohen, Linda R.author2004-03-02We consider when and to what extent a country will unilaterally protect intellectual property when it does no patentable innovation of its own. Framing the strength of an intellectual property regime in terms of the scope of patents, our model analyzes incentives of developing countries to manufacture generic versions of patented goods. The model provides insights into where problems arise in negotiating intellectual property treaties, when multinationals want to license intellectual property for local manufacture, and how changes in wealth and technology affect a country’s intellectual property regime.publicdemocratic institutionslegislatureseconomicspolicypublic choicemacroeconomicsPatented Drugs, Generic Alternatives and Intellectual Property Regimes in Developing Countriesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6wf2j6vb2011-07-03T04:46:36Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6wf2j6vbKennedy, Edward M.author2003-10-24Senator Edward M. Kennedy delivered the 2003-04 Peltason Lecture. In this lecture he discusses the U.S. policy toward Iraq, health care, and education. He argues that a nations values influence the policy goals its pursues.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionslegislaturesvoterseconomicseducationgovernmentlawpolicyHealth Policy and Economic Security: The 2003-04 Peltason Lecturearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2m62b74d2011-07-03T04:46:31Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2m62b74dMeyer, David S.author2003-01-15The content and the process of making policy serve as both stimuli and outcomes of social movements. Understanding these relationships, that is, how policy and citizen movements affect each other, is essential to understanding the functioning of contemporary democratic politics and indeed, the democratic process more broadly. Although scholars of both social movements and of public policy have acknowledged the importance of the others' work, they have not gone much beyond acknowledgment. Unfortunately, this leaves fundamental issues in the study of political participation and influence underdeveloped theoretically and understudied empirically. In this paper, I offer a dialogic model of the mutual influence of protest and policy, which emphasizes the interaction of activist efforts and the policy process, and the dynamics of political coalitions inside and outside established political institutions. Focused attention to the theoretical and practical problems of understanding the relationship between policy and movements.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionssocial movementsgovernmentSocial Movements and Public Policy: Eggs, Chicken, and Theoryarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt299383wx2011-07-03T04:46:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/299383wxWang, FengauthorWang, Tianfuauthor2003-01-01In this paper, we examine the roles of institutional sources in the spectacular rise of income inequality in urban China during the reform era. Categories created under the state socialism not only formed an institutional basis that defined inequality under socialism, their new life in an emerging market economy have also made them the institutional sources of rising economic inequality. In addition to rewarding individuals differently according to their attributes, income distribution in urban China shows a clear pattern of alignment along boundaries such as locality, industrial sector, ownership type, and work organizations. Relying on mechanisms such as exclusion and opportunity hoarding, and by forming local corporatism and work organization ownership, members in different categories retain a degree of equality while inequality between categories rose sharply. These structural features have resulted in a juxtaposition of a sharply increased inequality between groups and a relative degree of equality within groups.publicdemocraticBringing Categories Back In: Institutional Factors of Income Inequality in Urban Chinaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4pf4c1tz2011-07-03T04:46:22Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4pf4c1tzDeSipio, Louisauthor2002-11-01This paper assesses the influence of Latino participation in community-based organizations on the likelihood of participation in community politics, on attachments to the United States and their countries of origin, and on their ethnic identity. The results provide two insights. Organizational activity spurs civic engagement. The skills, networks, and information provided through this group-focused community activity vest Latinos with the resources they need to take on more individualist forms of politics. The second finding is that the influence of organizational activities does not shape attitudes. While organizations undeniably offer contacts with other individuals and networks, these resources do not drive attitudes toward either the United States or a pan-ethnic identity. The paper relies on data from a survey of "emerging" Latino populations, Latinos who trace their origin or ancestry to El Salvador, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, or Colombia.publicdemocraticminoritiesraceImmigrant Organizing, Civic Outcomes: Civic Engagement, Political Activity, National Attachment, and Identity in Latino Immigrant Communitiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt18b448r62011-07-03T04:46:17Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/18b448r6McGann, Anthony J.author2002-10-01This paper demonstrates that majority rule offers more protection to the worst-off minority than any other system, in that it maximizes the ability to overturn an unfavorable outcome. It is known (May 1952, Dahl 1956) that majority rule is the only decision rule that completely respects political equality. However, it is frequently argued that other decision rules (such as system of checks and balances, which are implicitly super-majoritarian) better serve the goals of protecting minorities rights and preserving stability. This paper argues that this trade-off is illusory and that majority rule actually provides most protection to minorities. Furthermore it does so precisely because of the instability inherent in majority rule, which overcomes the problem of majority tyranny.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionslegislaturesvotersThe Tyranny of the Super-Majority: How Majority Rule Protects Minoritiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt30x375qq2011-07-03T04:46:13Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/30x375qqIkeda, Ken'ichiauthor2002-08-01Using a Japanese national-sample panel survey in 2000 that includes snowball-sampled data, this paper attempts to examine the extended hypotheses on social capital. One focus of the extension is on the role of social networks, a low-cost device for obtaining political information that also operates as a portal to the society. The other focus includes the role of tolerance, which is as important as political participation in an open democracy. By positing a hypothesis that the reverse logic of social capital is applicable to the problem of intolerance, an attempt is made to elucidate the dark side of social capital. The result of multivariate analyses clearly indicates a positive correlation between social capital and political participation, both of voluntary organization and social networks, on the individual and the dyadic levels. On the other hand, political tolerance is not clearly related with social capital at any level.publicdemocracydemocratic politicspolitical culturevotersSocial Capital and Social Communication in Japan: Political Participation and Tolerancearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt03n3r00m2011-07-03T04:46:07Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/03n3r00mTaagepera, Reinauthor2002-05-01Politics takes place in time and space–both the immutable physical space and the institutional space that politics can alter, but with much inertia. To express the effects of such limiting frames, I have developed a number of logical quantitative models. By "logical quantitative" I mean models that can be constructed without data input, on logical grounds, and then can be quantitatively tested. Here I try to make my approaches and results more understandable so as to enable others to apply this particular set of methods to further problems in political science and related fields. My topics can be divided into the following four categories:a) The size of countries, assemblies and electoral districts matters for their functioning. Exactly how does country size affect the size of its legislative assembly, its foreign trade/GNP ratio, and the sizes of cities?b) Sizes of populations, countries and defense budgets change over time–growing, declining, interacting. How do more universal patterns of growth and duration enter those empires and cabinet coalitions? How do social phenomena such as population explosion and hyperinflation proceed?c) The number and size distribution of political parties is affected by institutional frameworks. According to which logical models?d) Finally, conversion from people to representatives takes place in several forms. Popular votes translate into assembly seats for different parties. Populations of countries affect their seat shares in supranational assemblies. The conversion is usually less than proportional, under-representing the smaller parties, yet over-representating the smaller nations. What are the hidden rules of conversion?publicdemocracydemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentslegislaturesvotersgovernmentLimiting Frames of Political Games: Logical Quantitative Models of Size, Growth and Distributionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0gn942xm2011-07-03T04:46:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0gn942xmRecchia, Stevenauthor2001-08-01Research has shown that an enormous range of variation exists in nation-state commitment to environmental treaties and international cooperation. I examine the degree of involvement of eighteen democratic states across fifteen international environmental treaties over the past twenty years. The analysis tests several hypotheses of the rival theories of international-level policy making, specifically structural conditions, political institutions, interest-based, and international connectivity theory, to determine causal forces underlying collaborative international behavior. Empirical findings reveal that the strongest determinants of a state's international environmental treaty engagement are the citizenry's post-material orientations and executive-centered political institutions. This primarily corroborates liberal theory's emphasis on the underlying values of the polity and domestic institutional procedures and challenges the importance of external, international forces and structural conditions.publicdemocratic institutionspolitical partiespolitical culturelegislaturesvoterssocial movementsenvironmentlawExplaining the International Environmental Cooperation of Democratic Countriesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt30m7720n2011-07-03T04:45:57Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/30m7720nDrummond, Andrewauthor2002-03-02An ongoing debate in political science research focuses on the degree to which democratic party systems are stable. One camp of authors argues that political cleavages in party systems endure, and thus party systems themselves show few significant signs of increased instability. Another group of authors argues that since the 1970s, political cleavages have weakened, and accordingly, system stability has decreased. My research continues this debate. I suggest that part of the uncertainty surrounding the direction and magnitude of stability trends results from the contrasting methodologies researchers have employed. I solve this difficulty by replicating the data and methods that Rose and Urwin employed in their 1970 study. By using identical measures of electoral change, I can ensure that any trends I find are not due to measurement artifacts. I compare their results from the period 1945-1970 with a new set of results for the 1970-1995 period for the same countries, extending the analysis far beyond other recent studies of partisan stability.publicdemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionslegislaturesvotersElectoral Volatility and Party Decline in Western Democracies: 1970-1995articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9tg922hv2011-07-03T04:17:41Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9tg922hvDalton, Russell J.authorScarrow, Susan EauthorCain, Bruce E.author2003-03-01The popular pressures for reforms of the democratic process have mounted across the OECD nations over the past generation. In response, democratic institutions are changing, evolving, expanding in ways that may alter the structure of the democratic process. These changes include reforms of the electoral process, the expansion of referendums, introduction of open government provisions, and more access points for direct political involvement. Indeed, some observers claim that we are witnessing the most fundamental transformation of the democratic process since the creation of mass democracy in the early 20th Century. This essay reviews the evidence of how democratic institutions and processes are changing, and considers some of the larger implications of these reforms for the nature of democracy. This essay is adapted from the edited volume, Democracy Transformed? Expanding Political Opportunities in Advanced Industrial Democracies (Oxford University Press, forthcoming 2003).publicdemocracydemocratic institutionselectionsvoterssocial movementsinitiativesDemocracy Transformed?: Expanding Political Opportunities in Advanced Industrial Democraciesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8ch5w7c02011-07-03T04:17:32Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8ch5w7c0meyer, david s.author2000-12-31This paper is about the politics of claiming credit. Effectively taking the credit for some desirable outcome is an essential element of politics. In tightly controlled, closed, polities, both mythic and real, leaders control the mass media in order to present a coherent, consistent, self-serving and state-serving narrative that ascribes responsibility and blame. This paper explores the disparities in success at claiming credit, with the intent of explaining why some challengers end up deriving credit both in the short and long term for their efforts, while others do not. I begin by looking at the question of the outcomes of social movements, briefly reviewing the relevant literature, which focuses predominantly on public policy. I move to the literature on public policy, examining the difficulties in assessing success or failure of policies. I then identify a number of variables, including goals, political positioning, coalition politics, and constituencies, that explain why some movements have a harder time claiming credit than others. I conclude by suggesting that the positioning of institutional actors, and the degree of their identification with a social movement, is critical to the movement's capacity to claim success.publicdemocracysociologypolicyparticipationClaiming Credit: The Social Construction of Movement Successarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8vj015bz2011-07-02T16:46:20Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8vj015bzSolinger, Dorothyauthor2003-12-15In China, the gist of the state and its essential mission have shifted, once just over two decades ago and secondly during the l990s, especially in the past 5 or 6 years. The implications for citizenship and entitlement--mainly but not only for workers and migrants--have been vast. This paper focuses on the outcome for membership in the city for those who, with these shifts, have been thrown into the lower ranks of the populace. We show that as of the century's turn, ruralites in big cities were still denied membership, the right to belong officially. And, with the progression in China from marketization and economic "reform" to globalization, socialist distribution steadily declined for all residents of the nation's municipalities, with the direst impact upon the once-but no longer employed.publicdemocratizationpolitical cultureState Transitions and Citizenship Shifts in Chinaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1ws2321f2011-07-02T13:34:40Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1ws2321fMueller, Johnauthor1999-01-30First, I argue that constantly stressing the clash between democracy's shining ideal image and its decidedly unlovely reality often induces a cynicism about the democratic process that is uncomprehending and mostly undesirable. Second, I suggest that the continual overselling of equality by democratic idealists has encouraged the rise of a destructive and profoundly antidemocratic form¬¬I call it hyperdemocracy¬¬Third, I argue that adherence to the democratic image can logically lead some minorities to fear that, if the form is actually about equality, majority rule, and active participation, they stand to be persecuted in a democracy. Finally, I append a few cautionary comments about the burgeoning field of transitology which sometimes tends to advance a perspective that can inspire a damaging short ¬term perspective in new democracies, and I also question the usefulness of the concept of "democratic consolidation."publicdemocracydemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical culturevotersDemocracy: Optimal Illusions and Grim Realitiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt47j4m34g2011-07-02T13:34:28Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/47j4m34gWelzel, ChristianauthorInglehart, RonaldauthorKlingemann, Hans-Dieterauthor2002-02-01This article demonstrates that socioeconomic development, cultural change and democratization constitute a coherent syndrome of social progress- a syndrome whose common focus has not been properly specified by classical modernization theory. We specify this syndrome as Human Development, arguing that its three components have a common focus on broadening human choice. Socioeconomic development broadens peoples' choice by increasing their individual resources; cultural change gives rise to self-expression values that let people seek for broader choice; and democratization institutionalizes effective rights, giving human choice a legal basis. Analysis of data from the World Values Surveys demonstrates: (1) that the syndrome of individual resources, self-expression values and effective rights is universal in its presence across nations, regions and cultural zones; (2) that this Human Development syndrome is shaped by a causal effect from individual resources and self-expression values on effective rights; and (3) that this effect operates through its impact on elite integrity, as the factor which makes given rights effective.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical cultureeconomicsThe Theory of Human Development: A Cross-Cultural Analysisarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8281d6wt2011-07-02T09:56:15Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8281d6wtDalton, Russell J.author1998-01-15This paper studies political support in advanced industrial democracies. Our goal is to determine how citizens in these nations judge the democratic process today. Is there a popular "crisis of democracy'? This paper first provides a framework for assessing public support for democratic politics in advanced industrial democracies. Then, we demonstrate a broad decline in support for politicians, parties, and political institutions across these nations. However, democratic values and community support have not declined significantly. The paper discusses the implications of these findings for politics in advanced industrial democracies.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partiespolitical culturevotersPolitical Support in Advanced Industrial Democraciearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3j5281dq2011-07-02T09:52:10Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3j5281dqTaagepera, Reinauthor2005-02-17Formed in 2001, Res Publica won the Estonian parliamentary elections in 2003, and its leader became prime minister. It lost the elections for the European Parliament in 2004 and was down to 5 % in opinion polls. The founding chair of the party analyzes here the causes for Res Publica's rapid rise and fall, reviewing the sociopolitical background of its rise and drawing comparisons with other new parties. Res Publica was a genuinely new party that involved no previous major players and might be characterized as a "purifying bridge party" that filled an empty niche at center right. Its rise was among the fastest in Europe. For success of a new party three factors must be present to a sufficient degree, as expressed by the following multiplication: Prospect of success = Membership x Financial Support x Visibility. Res Publica had all three. Overly rapid success spoiled the party leadership. Their governing style became arrogant and they veered to the right, alienating their centrist core constituency. Reformists proved fickle opportunists. It no longer mattered for the quality of Estonian politics whether Res Publica vanished or survived.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentsMeteoric Rise: Res Publica in Estonia, 2001-2004articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt003919cp2011-07-02T09:50:43Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/003919cpShin, Doh Chullauthor2005-03-15In East Asia, as in other regions of the world, democratic politics and free market economy have emerged as the twin goals of national development. This paper examines public's reactions to the dual or parallel transformation of authoritarian politics and crony capitalism into market democracy by considering jointly citizens’ basic orientations toward democracy and capitalism. Which subgroups are most and least supportive of the parallel development of democracy and capitalism? What factors motivate people to embrace capitalist democracy most and least powerfully? How does their embrace of capitalist democracy compare with their peers’ in advanced capitalist democracies in the North American region of the Pacific Rim? The paper addresses these questions with further analyses of the World Value Surveys conducted in seven East Asian countries—China, Japan, Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam—and two North American countries—the United States and Canada.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical cultureeconomicsmacroeconomicsThe Parallel Development of Democracy and Marketsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt04s9j3bc2011-07-02T09:42:37Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/04s9j3bcSolinger, Dorothyauthor2006-11-02This paper focuses on the extent to which, and the ways in which, the rise of one specific segment of the middle class, the bourgeoisie, contributes to a push for the institution of democracy in Taiwan and China. Taiwan appears--more or less--to fit the conventional theory, which alleges a link between economic growth, the emergence of a newly monied class, and demands for democracy, while China does not. The loyalties, allegiances, and resentments of businesspeople that were the product of the aims and behaviors of these two regimes can explain the divergent outcomes. The nature of the social connections of the bourgeoisie--their guanxi--those relations with others that so famously shape social, economic and political life in these two contexts--provides the most succinct and parsimonious explanation for businesspeoples’ role in the movement toward new forms of governance in China and Taiwan. The opportunity for democratization to unfold was in past in Taiwan, and seems presently in China, to be a function of capitalists’ contacts, a matter of which contact mattered most to them as they launched and developed their firms and their ventures.publicdemocratizationpolitical cultureeconomicsgovernmentpoliticsThe Nexus of Democratization: Guanxi and Governance in Taiwan and the PRCarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt58f048nc2011-07-02T09:29:30Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/58f048ncKaminski, Marek M.authorNalepa, Monikaauthor2008-01-30Neither the “Transitional Justice” literature or literatures in post-communist politics have examined post-communist “self lustrations.” Our goal is to explain why Post-communists “punish themselves.” We argue that Post-communists act under constraints of legislative institutions. We formalize our argument with a game-theoretic model of agenda-setting.publicdemocratic institutionspolitical partieslawpolicySuffer a Scratch to Avoid a Blow? Why Post-communist Parties in Eastern Europe Introduce Lustrationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt05n9f4bn2011-07-02T09:29:25Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/05n9f4bnRahat, Gideonauthor2008-01-30The aim of this article is to open the debate on the question, “Which candidate selection method is more democratic?” It does this by suggesting guidelines for identifying the ramifications of central elements of candidate selection methods for various democratic dimensions – participation, competition, representation and responsiveness – and by analyzing their possible role in supplying checks and balances. It proposes employing a three-stage candidate selection method, in which, in the first stage, a small committee appoints candidates to a short list; in the second stage, a selected party agency may add or remove candidates using a special procedure (absolute majority vote, for example) and it would also ratify the re-adoption of incumbent candidates; and, finally, party members would select candidates for safe seats or safe list positions among the proposed candidates. The article also recommends using moderate requirements for candidacy; the use of a non-majoritarian voting method; and allowing the national center a say in candidate selection.publicdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionslegislaturesvotingminoritiesWhich Candidate Selection Method Is More Democratic?articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3vs886v92011-07-02T09:29:21Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3vs886v9Mair, Peterauthor2005-04-01This paper is concerned primarily with the way in which the changing character of political parties impacts upon their standing, legitimacy, and effectiveness. We see an emerging notion of democracy that is being steadily stripped of its popular component–a notion of democracy without a demos. As I try to show in this paper, much of this has to do with the failings of political parties. I am not suggesting that there has been a wholesale failure of parties; rather, I am seeking to draw attention to an ongoing process in which there are party failings, and in which democracy itself tends to adapt and change to these failings. This process then provokes its own momentum, in which parties become steadily weaker, and in which democracy becomes even more stripped down.publicdemocracypolitical partieselectionsparliamentsvotersDemocracy Beyond Partiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6jn728k52011-07-02T08:21:42Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6jn728k5Rosenberg, Shawn W.author2006-11-02Following more than a decade of theorizing and widespread practical application, political scientists have begun empirical research on democratic deliberation. For the most part, this research has focused on individual or collective outcomes of deliberation, paying relatively little attention to the deliberative processes themselves. Here an attempt is made to study these processes themselves. First, a typology of the different ways people talk to one another is offered. Four types of discourse are defined: (1) proto-discourse, (2) conventional, (3) cooperative, and (4) collaborative. The last two types are of the kind presumed by deliberative democratic theory, with more liberal versions assuming that deliberations are cooperative and rational and more critical versions assuming that deliberation are collaborative and transformative. Research is then reported on two deliberative groups of parents who met seven times to consider improvements in the delivery of K-12 education in their area. An analysis of their deliberations indicates that their interaction was overwhelmingly conventional or proto-discursive. The participants rarely engaged one another in the way assumed by liberal democratic theory and never engaged one another in a more critical or emancipatory manner. The paper concludes with a discussion of the impact of different types of discursive interaction on the construction of democratic citizenship. At issue here is how different kinds of discourses enable participants to be different kinds of political actors in those situations.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratic politicsparticipationTypes of Democratic Deliberation: The Limits and Potential of Citizen Participationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt17p1m0dx2011-07-02T08:21:37Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/17p1m0dxvan Biezen, Ingridauthor2004-11-01This paper assesses the relationship between the nature of political parties and varieties of democracy. It is argued that the changing role of parties can be attributed to an ideational transformation by which parties have gradually come to be seen as necessary and desirable institutions for democracy, and that this has contributed to a changing conception of parties from voluntary private associations towards the political party as a ‘public utility’, i.e. the party as an essential public good for democracy. Recent cases of democratization, where parties were attributed a markedly privileged position within the democratic institutional framework, provide the most unequivocal testimony of such a conception of the relationship between parties and democracy. At the same time, however, fundamental disagreements persist about the meaning of democracy and the actual role of political parties within it. Regrettably, however, the literatures on parties and democratic theory have developed to a large degree in mutual isolation. This paper provides a preliminary attempt to move beyond the consensus which exists on the surface that modern democracy is unthinkable save in terms of parties by considering varieties of party and different conceptions of democracy.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionslegislaturesvotersHOW POLITICAL PARTIES SHAPE DEMOCRACYarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3f72v9q42011-04-20T22:08:34Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3f72v9q4Abramson, Paul Rauthor2011-04-20I summarize and evaluate published critiques in English and French of Inglehart’s value change thesis, which he first advanced in 1971. I discuss them in the order in which they were published. Where Inglehart or Inglehart and his colleagues reply to a critique, the response follows my summary. Where authors have published more than one critique, I begin with their first and follow it through to their last. I summarize forty-eight critiques, beginning with Ike (1973) and Rokeach (1973) and ending with Lee (2007). I summarize eighteen responses by Inglehart and by Inglehart and his colleagues, beginning with Inglehart (1982) and ending with Inglehart and Abramson (1999). Much of my discussion focuses on two scholars who raise a series of critiques over several years, Flanagan (1979 through 2003) and Clarke (1991 through 2000). I briefly demonstrate that generational replacement was a driving force contributing to the trend toward Postmaterialism.publicpolitical culture attitude measurement Postmaterialism Ronald InglehartCritiques and Counter-Critiques of the Postmaterialism Thesis: Thirty-four Years of Debatearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9w9270cf2011-03-19T02:18:23Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9w9270cfKaminski, MarekauthorNalepa, Monika Aauthor2004-10-01We discuss the relationship between principles of rule of law, such as due process, and transitional justice, especially truth revelation procedures. We argue that the traditional understanding of rule of law is ill-suited for evaluating lustration laws and truth commissions, and that the levels of false conviction and false acquittal are more adequate normative criteria. We distinguish between two types of truth revelation procedures: ITRs induce perpetrators and secret agents of the authoritarian regime to reveal the truth about their past while ETRs rely exclusively on preserved evidence and victims’ testimonies, without requiring any activity from the defendant. We demonstrate with a decision-making model that while both procedures are sensitive to the problem of falsified evidence, an ITR performs better with respect to revealing the identity of collaborators whose files were destroyed. Finally, we explain the connection between ITRs and endogenous transitional justice making an argument for the latter over exogenous modes of coming to terms with the past.publicdemocracydemocratizationgovernmentJudging Transitional Justice: An Evaluation of Truth Revelation Proceduresarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9p96g2g22011-03-19T02:12:27Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9p96g2g2Tilly, Charlesauthor1998-04-15Drawing on a lifetime of comparisons between French and British experiences, this essay clears ground for a more general explanation of variation in the impact of regimes on contention, and vice versa, over Europe as a whole since 1650. Differences among Swiss, British, French, Dutch, Iberian, and other European experiences with regime change and contention set challenging empirical, conceptual, and theoretical problems. Considering the great variety of European trajectories, how can we possibly pinpoint important similarities and differences in the interplay among changes in social environments, alterations in governmental forms, histories of contentious politics, and approaches to (or retreats from) democracy? How can we single out the effects of varying patterns of military activity? What concepts will help discipline those comparisons and single out significant causal mechanisms? To what extent can we identify recurrent cause-effect relationships that operated throughout the range of European history since 1650? This paper's task is to lay out tools for pursuit of those questions.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical partiessocial movementsgrassrootsparticipationArmed Force, Regimes, Contention, and Democratization in Europe since 1650articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9kq895kt2011-03-19T02:09:52Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9kq895ktKarl, Terryauthor2008-07-07Will autocracies dependent on the export of oil become democratic? To some, the answer seems evident. “The trend is clear,” President Bush said in March 2005. “In the Middle East and throughout the world, freedom is on the march.” Unfortunately, at least in the near term, the opposite is true. Not only is the worldwide spread of democracy stagnating in general, but a number of countries that had once demonstrated some progress are seriously backsliding. By my calculations, about a third of these backsliders are oil-exporters, perhaps most notably Russia. And not a single oil-exporter currently classified by Freedom House as “not free” or “partly free” shows signs of changing its status to democracy. This does not mean that oil-exporting countries cannot become democratic (witness, for example, Norway or Trinidad-Tobago), but it does indicate that oil dependence may pose special problems for democratization.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionseconomicsDEMOCRACY OVER A BARREL: OIL, REGIME CHANGE AND WARarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt9k6846r12011-03-19T02:09:31Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/9k6846r1Bartolomé Peral, Edurneauthor2008-04-16This paper presents an analysis on one of the main indicators for the study of political support, which is Satisfaction with Democracy. It also offers a revision on the actual levels of this indicator in different European societies. This paper, therefore, deepens and presents data on the levels and nature of support for the democratic process, measured by the indicator of satisfaction for democracy.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicspolitical cultureparticipationSupport for the Democratic Process in Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt962495x12011-03-19T01:58:30Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/962495x1Kirkpatrick, Jeane J.author2003-07-01Jeane Kirkpatrick delivered the 2002-03 Peltason Lecture at UC Irvine. In her address, Kirkpatrick discusses the expectations democracy places on its citizens, especially in the area of foreign policy. She also discusses the lessons to be learned from America's past and current relations with Afghanistan, Iraq and the other nations in the Middle East.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionsvoterspolicyDemocracy and Human Rights-The Essential Connectionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8xf4t3t02011-03-19T01:51:01Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8xf4t3t0Bermeo, Nancyauthor1997-06-15In 1920, twenty-six out of twenty-eight European states were parliamentary democracies. By 1938, thirteen of these democracies had become dictatorships. This essay is about why these regimes broke down and about the role that ordinary citizens played in the breakdown process.publicdemocracypolitical partieselectionspolitical cultureparliamentsvoterssocial movementsparticipationGetting Mad or Going Mad? Citizens, Scarcity and the Breakdown of Democracy in Interwar Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8xf3b4rj2011-03-19T01:51:00Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8xf3b4rjBandelj, Ninaauthor2004-08-15Theorizing market transition, the orthodox economic perspective stipulates that markets will emerge spontaneously once the control of the party-state is abolished and the incentive structure is put in place for self-interested actors to exchange and maximize utility. The institutional perspective emphasizes the role of states, politics and path dependency on creation and operation of markets. The study uses originally collected data on foreign direct investment (FDI) in eleven Central and East European countries since 1989 to examine the proliferation of market-exchange. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis shows that economic incentives and stabilization in host countries contribute little to explaining the inflow of FDI into Central and Eastern Europe. Similarly, instituting democratic order in post-socialism is not significantly related to the speed of marketization. However, the direct involvement of post-socialist states in the economic transformation is crucial. The extent of privatization, a pro-market reform government in place, and host states acting as market players by selling large state monopolies to foreigners all significantly induce FDI. Overall, the results show that, at least in the first decade of post-socialism, it is the involvement of the state rather than its withdrawal from the economy that facilitates marketization. Providing details of the substantive variety of state-market embeddedness in the post-socialist context, the study also advances a perspective on market creation, in contrast to market emergence.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionseconomicsgovernmentpublic choicemacroeconomicsInstitutional Foundations of Economic Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe (1990-2000)articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8t94h85v2011-03-19T01:47:58Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8t94h85vMcGann, Anthony J.authorLatner, Michaelauthor2006-05-01Arend Lijphart’s conceptualization of the distinction between consensual and majoritarian democracy has been one of the most important developments in the study of comparative political systems in the last thirty years, and has indeed served as an antidote to the anglocentrism that previously existed in the study of democratic institutions. However, the concept of consensual democracy is problematic from the point of view of social choice theory. Theorists of consensual democracy have emphasized consensus as an alternative to majority rule. This paper argues, however, that many of the countries most often cited as “consensual” are actually amongst the world’s purest examples of government by majority rule, having virtually no constitutional checks and balances. Furthermore,the institutions of consensual democracy follow axiomatically from the requirement of political equality. Far from being a new form of democracy, consensual democracy might better be described as “simple democracy”.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionselectionsparliamentslegislaturesgovernmentpoliticspublic choiceConsensus Without Veto-Players: Testing Theories of Consensual Democracyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8t67x8b82011-03-19T01:47:51Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8t67x8b8McGann, Anthony J.authorMoran, Terseaauthor2005-05-11This paper tests the commonly held belief that the extremely proportional electoral system used in Israel gives disproportionate influence to small parties. This hypothesis is tested using power score analysis of the bargaining power of small parties in the Israeli Knesset (Penrose 1946, Banzhaf 1965), and also by considering the degree to which small parties have been able to win a disproportionate number of cabinet portfolios. Considering the period 1977-2003, we find that small parties only have disproportionate bargaining power in three Knessets in the 1980s, and in only one of these were they able to obtain more cabinet seats than their size would predict. Small parties only have disproportionate bargaining power in elections where the two large parties are essentially tied. Given that this situation will produce a hung parliament and give small parties the balance of power in most electoral systems (including single-member district plurality), we should be very careful about generalizing from the Israeli case to the performance of proportional electoral systems overall.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentslegislaturesvotingpoliticsThe Myth of the Disproportionate Influence of Small Parties in Israelarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8mf8f3kt2011-03-19T01:42:22Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8mf8f3ktBernstein, Thomasauthor2009-09-25The contrast between the two cases is well known: China’s economic reforms were stunningly successful whereas those of Gorbachev failed. Moreover, his political reforms set in motion forces that he could not control, eventually bringing about the unintended end to communist rule and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Why this difference? Numerous variables are at issue. This paper focuses on the policies, strategies, and values of reformers and on opportunities to carry out economic reforms, which favored China but not the SU.publicdemocratizationdemocratic politicspolitical cultureeconomicsEconomic and Political Reform in China and the Former Soviet Unionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8cv4134w2011-03-19T01:35:49Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8cv4134wMueller-Rommel, Ferdinandauthor2005-10-01This paper offers a comparative description and classification of cabinets, ministers and prime ministers duration in Central Eastern Europe. It first defines the date of the “birth” of democratic cabinet “life” in post-communist countries. Second, it describes systematically the duration of post-communist cabinets, ministers and prime ministers during the first fourteen years (1990-2003). This research addresses the following questions: Which are the first democratic governments (founding cabinets) in post-communist Central Eastern Europe (CEE)? What are the appropriate indicators for measuring cabinet duration in CEE? What are the patterns of cabinet, ministerial, and prime ministerial duration in these countries? Do the theoretical assumptions and empirical findings about the duration of coalition types, which have been developed in the cabinet structure approach hold true for CEE cabinets? Which are the most stable cabinet systems in CEE?publicdemocracydemocratic institutionsparliamentsgovernmentTypes of Cabinet Durability in Central Eastern Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt882737362011-03-19T01:32:06Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/88273736Grofman, Bernardauthor2009-06-26Combining salary data for permanent non-emeritus faculty at seven departments of political science within the University of California system with lifetime citation counts and other individual level data from the Masuoka, Grofman and Feld (2007) study of faculty at Ph.D. granting political science departments in the United States, we analyze determinants of faculty salaries. For the full data set our main finding are that (1) base salaries of UC political science faculty are slightly more strongly correlated to citation rates (annualized or total lifetime citations) as a measure of research visibility than they are to seniority measured by years since receipt of the Ph.D; and (2) that gender differences and subfield differences in salary essentially vanish once we take into account both year of Ph.D. and research visibility (as measured by annualized citation counts), while gender inequities would appear to exist if we did not control for both variables and thus may appear in the kinds of simpler gender equity comparisons commonly done within the UC system that lack any performance control variable. Also (3) looking across the seven campuses, despite the philosophy of common academic personnel standards across campuses, we find differences in average compensation levels even after we control for cross-campus difference in seniority and faculty research visibility. In particular, the three nationally highest ranked UC political science departments (UCB, UCLA and UCSD) collectively attach considerably less relative weight to seniority relative to citation record in determining faculty salaries than do the other four UC departments, have greater salary variation among those roughly the same time past Ph.D., and, on average, pay higher salaries even after seniority and citations are controlled.publiceducationPolitical Science Faculty Salaries at the University of Californiaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt82r400c42011-03-19T01:27:04Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/82r400c4Bandelj, NinaauthorRadu, Bogdanauthor2006-07-28Most of the scholarship on the political transformations in Central and Eastern Europe focuses on explaining the fall of communist regimes and democratic transition. To complement this research, the present paper turns attention to the political developments after 1989 and is among the first attempts to quantitatively assess which factors have contributed to the speed and extent of democratic consolidation among the most advanced postcommunist states. We argue that political transformations in Central and Eastern Europe should be viewed as part and parcel of broad-scale changes whereby democratization is intertwined with concurrent social transformations, and influenced by transnational forces. Using originally collected data for 11 most advanced transition countries for the period from 1990 to 2002, we find that democratic consolidation is facilitated after the country has signed the European Union association agreement, when the governments in power have a pro-reform orientation, and when higher electoral thresholds are put in place to aid political party affiliation and stability. In addition, nationalism in countries with sizable ethnic minority populations impedes democratic consolidation. While other researchers strongly emphasize the importance of economic development for democracy, our study finds little support for the influence of GDP per capita levels on the speed of democratic consolidation. Overall, these results substantiate the institutional rather than modernization perspe ctive on political development in postcommunism.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical cultureeconomicsgovernmentpoliticsethnicityConsolidation of Democracy in Postcommunist Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8296j8wp2011-03-19T01:26:37Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8296j8wpRead, Jennan Gauthor2007-07-30Objective. Research on immigrant women’s economic and cultural adaptation has increasingly come to the fore of immigration research, yet relatively little remains known about their engagement in the political arena. This study examines this question among Arab Muslims, a group who has been at the center of much public debate but little scholarly discourse. Methods. Using nationally representative data on Arab Muslims, this study examines gender differences in political consciousness and activity and assesses the degree to which different dimensions of religious identity contribute to differences in men’s and women’s attitudes and behaviors. Results. Both women and men have high levels of political engagement, in part reflecting their relatively affluent socioeconomic positions. Men are slightly more involved than women, and this is explained by their greater participation in religious activities and higher levels of political religiosity. In contrast, subjective dimensions of religiosity—or being a devout Muslim—have no effect on political engagement. Conclusions. Overall, there are few gender differences in Arab Muslim political engagement, suggesting that collective identity based on ethnicity and religion is more salient for the political mobilization of this group. Further, religion is not uniformly associated with political activity, varying by gender and the dimension of religious identity in question, suggesting that future research needs to focus on how different facets of religion influence U.S. political involvement.publicdemocracydemocratic politicspolitical culturesociologyminoritiesparticipationMore of a Bridge than a Gap: Gender Differences in Arab-American Political Engagementarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt8105r6d32011-03-19T01:25:29Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/8105r6d3Welzel, Christianauthor2006-08-01Most research on political culture is driven by the assumption that mass attitudes impact on democracy. Despite the centrality of this premise, evidence showing that attitudes affect the level of democracy a society attains and sustains is rare and inconclusive in major points. This article presents the most comprehensive such evidence to date, testing attitudinal variables from three main schools in the political culture literature, as predictors of six different measures of democracy, using data from almost 70 societies. The results are remarkably consistent. Regardless of which measure of democracy is used, emancipative attitudes outperform other types of attitudes, giving the best predictions of later measures of democracy. This finding holds controlling for the impact of structural societal factors, such as economic development, world market integration, ethnic fractionalization, and prior democracy. Further specifications of the causal mechanism show that emancipative attitudes help both to attain and to sustain high levels of democracy. I conclude that a pro-democratic political culture is most firmly rooted in emancipative attitudes.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical cultureAre Levels of Democracy Influenced by Mass Attitudes? Testing a Central Premise of the Political Culture Approacharticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7zh4w33g2011-03-19T01:24:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zh4w33gBolzendahl, CatherineauthorCoffé, Hildeauthor2010-08-14This study examines respondents’ beliefs about political, social and civic duty components of “good citizenship,” three modes of political engagement (party membership, voting and activism), and the relationship between beliefs and participation across three geopolitical regions (Eastern Europe, Western Europe and Western non-European states). Based on theories of democracy, voting, and institutionalism, we explore cross-regional patterns and differences. Eastern Europeans are far less engaged in political activism, and all the regions differ widely in beliefs about “good citizenship.” Western non-Europeans generally focus on the civic duty and political components of citizenship. We find that the perceived importance of civic duties is negatively related to all forms of participation, whereas the opposite is true of the political citizenship beliefs. Stronger social citizenship beliefs are positively associated with political activism but negatively with institutional forms of participation. The relationship between beliefs and behavior differed markedly across regions, and although Western respondents are relatively similar in linking their beliefs to their political engagement, links tend to be stronger among Non-Europeans. The relationship between citizenship beliefs and participation was often weakest among Eastern Europeans. Conclusions about the subjective and variable nature of democratic citizenship and implications for democratic expansion in developing nations are discussed.publicPolitical BehaviorCitizenshipVotingPublic OpinionComparativeDiverse Democracies: Citizenship Beliefs and Political Participation Across Three Geopolitical Regionsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7rp1985z2011-03-19T01:18:32Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7rp1985zFeldman, MarthaauthorKhademian, Anneauthor2004-07-15A rich literature explores the potential benefits of public management directly engaged with the public to develop and implement programs with emphasis on the enhanced quality of public programs and the strengthening of democratic practices. Yet the two dominant models of public management over the past century have distanced public managers and the public. The “principal agent model” emphasizes direct accountability to elected officials, while the “expertise” model emphasizes the application of professional judgment on behalf of the public. The important dimensions of democratic governance—direct accountability to elected officials, the exercise of professional judgment, and direct public participation—are not mutually exclusive. This paper develops an alternative model of public management, “inclusive management,” that demonstrates all three concerns.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionsgovernmentpolicyInclusive Management: Building Relationships with the Publicarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7n5515mx2011-03-19T01:14:56Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7n5515mxBennett, Philipauthor2008-06-12publicdemocratic politicsminoritiespoliticsCovering Islam: A Challenge for American Journalismarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7ks7h74n2011-03-19T01:13:38Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7ks7h74nNewton, Kennethauthor2006-08-22This paper assesses two main theories of the decline of political support that is found in many western democracies. The first is society-centred and built on the concepts of social capital, trust and civil society. The second is politics-centred and focuses on the performance of government and the economy. The two theories are not necessarily incompatible, but they are usually treated in a mutually exclusive way. In this article they are tested against a combination of aggregate cross-national comparative data and detailed case studies of four countries that have suffered exceptional decline of political support for politicians, political institutions, and the systems of government. The puzzle is that cross-national comparative evidence about a large and diverse number of nations supports social capital theory, whereas in-depth study of four countries that have experienced substantial decline of political support does not. The erosion of support coincides in all four with poor economic and/or political performance. A way of reconciling the two theories and their supporting evidence is suggested that argues that while social capital is a necessary foundation for democratic support, it is not a sufficient cause.publicdemocracypolitical cultureparticipationPolitical Support: Social Capital, Civil Society, and Political and Economic Performancearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7gz6t2bb2011-03-19T01:11:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7gz6t2bbDalton, Russell J.author2004-07-01The concept of party identification has been central to our understanding of American electoral behavior. This research builds upon the functional logic of party identification and asks what occurs if citizens become better able to manage the complexities of politics without relying on habitual party cues. Using the data from the American National Election Studies, we track the distribution of party mobilization and cognitive mobilization within the American electorate. Then, we demonstrates the importance of these different mobilization patterns by documenting strong differences in the content of political thinking, voting choice, and electoral change. The results suggest a basic transformation in the characteristics of the American public since our the classic images of The American Voter, leading to a more differentiated and dealigned electorate.publicdemocracypolitical partieselectionsvotersvotingparticipationPartisan Mobilization, Cognitive Mobilization and the Changing American Electoratearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7fw4g5tw2011-03-19T01:09:59Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7fw4g5twPaxton, PamelaauthorHughes, Melanie M.authorPainter, Matthew A., IIauthor2009-04-27The expansion of women’s formal political representation ranks among the most significant trends in international politics of the last 100 years. Though women made steady political progress, substantial country-level variation exists in patterns of growth and change. In this paper, we develop longitudinal theories to examine how political factors affect women’s political representation over time. We use latent growth curve models to assess the growth of women in politics in 110 countries from 1975 to 2000. We investigate how electoral systems, national-level gender quotas, and growth of democracy impact country-level trajectories of women’s legislative representation. We find: (1) national quotas do affect women’s political presence, but at a lower level than legislated by law; (2) the impact of a proportional representation system on women’s political representation is steady over time; and (3) democracy, especially civil liberties, does not affect the level of women’s political representation in the earliest period, but does impact the growth of women’s political representation over time. These findings both reinforce and challenge prior cross-sectional models of women’s political representation.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partiesparliamentslegislaturesminoritiesGrowth in Women's Political Representation: A Longitudinal Exploration of Democracy, Electoral System, and Gender Quotasarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7bv4b2w12011-03-19T01:06:46Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7bv4b2w1Diamond, Larryauthor2003-04-17Can any state become democratic? Can the whole world become democratic? This lecture argues that the answers to both questions are yes, and that neither culture nor history nor poverty are insurmountable obstacles. Indeed, for much of the world that remains trapped in poverty, a growing body of evidence and policy analysis suggests that democratic, accountable, transparent governance is a fundamental condition for sustainable development. There are no preconditions for democracy, other than a willingness on the part of a nation's elite to attempt to govern by democratic means. But that, in itself, will require strong pressure from below, in civil society, and from outside, in the international community, to generate the political will for democratic reform. And sustaining democracy in the context of unfavorable cultural, social, and economic conditions requires institutions to foster effective, accountable governance as well as robust international engagement and support. Democracy can emerge anywhere, but it can only take root if it brings about, however gradually, a more prosperous, just, and decent society.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic politicspolitical culturegovernmentCan the Whole World Become Democratic? Democracy, Development, and International Policiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt7bc0p0gb2011-03-19T01:06:15Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/7bc0p0gbSolinger, Dorothyauthor2005-07-22This paper examines the causes of a new underclass in China. The paper has three main objectives. The first objective is to demonstrate that economic reforms are the force that brought about this poverty and marginalization--in their several forms--that now so bedevil the Party rulers, and to examine the background and nature of the associated problems. The next objective is to show how "weapons of the state" have been forged or enhanced by the turn to marketization and the affluence this afforded the state, and how these tools are being put to use to quiet the discontented. And last, the paper offers a few policy suggestions--possibilities that either have not yet been attempted, or that have not yet yielded optimal effects.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationpolitical partiesgovernmentpoliticspolicyThe Creation of a New Underclass in China and its Implicationsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt72n0w2352011-03-19T00:58:07Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/72n0w235Su, Yangauthor2003-05-01Drawing data from 189 volumes of county annals (xianzhi) of three provinces, the study substantiates previous claims that mass killings occurred during the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Mass killings are found to be widespread in two of the three provinces; they occur in those months surrounding the founding of Revolutionary Committee; they tend to occur in the lower levels of rural jurisdiction (village and township); and they tend to concentrate in remote and poor counties but with more party members. Examining these patterns in the political context of the time, I attribute this Chinese case of mass killings to a paradox between state sponsorship and state failure: the state promoted hatred and repression to establish new political order but failed to contain extreme radicalism at the remote reaches of its rule.publicdemocratizationsocial movementsState Sponsorship or State Failure? Mass Killings in Rural China, 1967-68articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6w66f9hg2011-03-19T00:52:51Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6w66f9hgRobnett, Belindaauthor2007-06-07While numerous studies discuss the importance of black churches and race-based organizations to African American political participation, few of them systematically analyze the gendered nature of such engagement. Employing data from the 1994 National Black Politics Survey, this study compares the influence of church-based activities and race-based organizational participation on African American men’s and women’s electoral and non-electoral political participation, and finds that 1) African American women participate less than African-American men; 2) in spite of black institutional participation the gender gap remains; 3) a liberal political orientation or households with union members mediates the gendered black institution effect; and, 4) Black institutional involvement enhances male more than female political participation. These findings have important implications for our theoretical understanding of institutional resource returns.publicdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionsminoritiesraceparticipationGendered Resource Returns: African American Institutions and Political Engagementarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt6tn8c2872011-03-19T00:51:18Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/6tn8c287Gibson, RachelauthorMcAllister, Ianauthor2005-07-15Studies of web use during elections have focused mainly on the content of websites and the major factors driving parties and candidates’ adoption of the technology. Evaluation of the electoral impact of web campaigns have been more limited. This study addresses this question using the 2001 Australian Candidate Study. After investigating the factors determining personal internet use and public web campaigning among candidates, we examine the impact of web campaigning on levels of electoral support, compared with other more traditional forms of campaigning, such as direct mail and canvassing. The findings show that web campaigning is associated primarily with the political attitudes and outlook of candidates (being left-wing and young) rather than the amount of campaign resources available. More significantly, we show that despite being linked with traditional campaigning techniques, web campaigning has an independent and significant impact on the level of electoral support that a candidate receives. We conclude that web campaigning, at least under present electoral conditions, constitutes an important component of a winning election strategy.publicdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionslegislaturesvotingDoes Cyber Campaigning Win Votes? Online Communication in the 2004 Australian Electionarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt60q2s39p2011-03-19T00:23:12Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/60q2s39pKittilson, Miki Caulauthor1997-08-15Parties vary substantially in the proportion of women they send to Parliament. We examine how party characteristics affect women's representation in the parliamentary parties of twelve advanced industrial nations at three time points-- 1975, 1985, and 1989. Four party-level factors have some explanatory power: 1) organizational structure, 2) ideology, 3) women party activists, and 4) gender related candidate rules. Leftist and New Left ideologies, high levels of women activists within the party and gender related candidate rules all enable parties to increase the descriptive representation of women. We propose a temporal sequence in which the four factors and electoral rules work both directly and indirectly to affect women's representation. Women party activists and gender related rules are the more direct mechanisms which affect women's legislative representation. Further, New Left values and high levels of women activists within the party both enhance the likelihood that gender-related candidate rules will be implemented.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentsvotersminoritiesWomen's Representation in Parliament: The Role of Political Partiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5w3628mc2011-03-19T00:19:48Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5w3628mcBurgard, Stephenauthor2005-04-05This paper examines why the press has failed to adequately understand and report on the role of religion in American politics. The author argues that certain shortcomings and limitations of the press- including its short attention span and its emphasis on immediacy - often undermine the press’s ability to see the broader picture and to recognize that something happening now connects to something that happened before. In order to identify and explain the impact of religious and moral values on our national politics and policy-making, journalists need to better understand the faith-based center of the country and how religion informs the day-to-day political attitudes and behavior of citizens and readers. The paper analyzes why the press has been unable to get its arms around moral and religious centrism.publicdemocracydemocraticpolitical partieselectionspolitical culturegovernmentpoliticspolicyparticipationPress Credibility and Faith-Based Politicsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5w30x51q2011-03-19T00:19:46Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5w30x51qSimon, Paulauthor2000-06-01Senator Paul Simon delivered the 1999-2000 Peltason Lecture on Democracy in which he discusses the challenges facing democracy today and in the future.publicdemocracydemocratic politicselectionspolitical culturelegislaturesvotersnationalThe Future of American Democracyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5j62s5hc2011-03-19T00:10:20Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5j62s5hcKlingemann, Hans-DieterauthorHofferbert, Richardauthor1998-10-15Using the natural laboratory of 18 post-communist Central and Eastern European countries, this article presents a basic model for democratic transition, specifically testing two alternative explanations for the degree of citizen satisfaction with the performance of their fledgling democracies: 1) virtues of omission, which include bad actions from which the state refrains, namely violations of individual human rights, and 2) virtues of commission, which include positive state actions, in particular actions enhancing economic well-being. The findings clearly indicate that, during the transition period, citizens' sense of the condition of human rights is consistently more important than are perceived economic prospects as predictors of democratic performance.publicdemocracydemocratizationelectionspolitical cultureeconomicsRemembering the Bad Old Days: Human Rights, Economic Conditions, and Democratic Performance in Transitional Regimesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5gm0f2jf2011-03-19T00:08:45Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5gm0f2jfTanaka, Aijiauthor2007-07-04Why has the LDP stayed in power so long? This is the biggest puzzle in Japanese politics, especially considering the fact that Japan has been constitutionally a liberal democracy in the postwar period. This paper exams possible reasons for why the LDP has stayed in power for so long. I empirically exam three different explanations, namely the political culture explanation, the political economy explanation (or the Clientelism with centralized fiscal structure), and the system support explanation. While the political culture and the political economy explanations have some validity, neither one can exclusively explain the LDP dominance in the postwar party system. The system-support explanation provides evidence that supports that those Japanese who support the Japanese political system are more likely to support the LDP. Thus, the LDP’s linkage to system evaluation may be another answer to this puzzle of LDP dominance that has been overlooked in previous research.publicdemocracydemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical partiesWhy has the LDP Stayed in Power so Long in Post-War Japan?:Democratic System Support and Electoral Behaviorarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt5538m5022011-03-19T00:00:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/5538m502Lee, Aie-Rieauthor2006-09-08This study examines the relationship between level of development and the emergence of the Authoritarian-libertarian (A/L) value cleavage in East Asia. We expect that the A/L value cleavage clearly emerges in countries with higher level of development, but does not appear in those at a substantially lower level of development. We first briefly explain the nature of the value change process and outline why it is occurring, thus empirically demonstrating its causal antecedents. We then empirically analyze the political consequences of this value change in four important areas. We look at the relationship between value change and growing levels of social and political alienation along a number of key attitudinal dimensions. We also investigate the relationship between value preferences and a “New Politics” agenda and political involvement. Finally, we explore the social bases of party support and then assess evidence of differences in orientations between party identifiers and nonidentifiers. The study is based on the 1999-2001 wave of the World Values Survey (WVS). The selected 5 East Asian nations exhibit drastically different levels of development levels: Japan, Singapore, Korea, the Philippines, and Indonesia.publicdemocratizationpolitical partiespolitical culturevotingparticipationIssues, Value Cleavages, and Political Change in East Asiaarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt50z1k7m52011-03-18T23:56:07Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/50z1k7m5Taagepera, Reinauthor1999-09-01The title of this essay can be read in two ways. Should Russia break up, because such a course is preferable to the present halfway house? And what should the world do, if Russia breaks up, irrespective of the desirability of this course of events? Two distinct aspects are involved. One deals with Russia itself. What are the deep causes of present difficulties, and how likely is the Russian Federation to overcome them? Would independent successor states be in any better position to cope with them? The other aspect is international. How calamitous would a further stage in the break-up of the Soviet empire be, compared to the previous stages? How strongly should the international community persevere in upholding the status quo, even against overwhelming odds? Both aspects need serious discussion.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical culturenationalpoliticsShould Russia Break Uparticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4x02v7j62011-03-18T23:53:15Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4x02v7j6Strom, Kaareauthor1997-04-15This paper begins by identifying a framework in which we can study democratic representation and accountability, namely the neo-institutional rational choice literature on delegation and agency. I suggest why I believe that the enforcement of accountability is becoming a more and more central democratic issue. I then go on to share some data from Norwegian election surveys that indicate that voters, at least in this country, are increasingly available to play the part that democratic accountability requires. Finally, I present evidence that political leaders in coalition bargaining anticipate and are constrained by this electoral accountability, sometimes with surprising results. There is even a silver lining to this part of my story, in the sense that coalition outcomes that may at first sight seem deviant or even pathological, may in fact play a perfectly normal part in the democratic process.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentsvotersDemocracy, Accountability, and Coalition Bargainingarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4s0786k32011-03-18T23:49:37Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4s0786k3Grofman, Bernardauthor1997-05-15In a series of books and articles Arend Lijphart has established himself as the leading exponent of an important strain of new institutionalist thought, one whose central features have never, as far as we are aware, clearly been articulated, even by Lijphart himself. We compare and contrast the approach of Lijphart (and of the students and colleagues he has influenced)--one which we argue is distinguished by its mix of concern for taxonomic conceptualization, cross-national and cross-temporal applicability, and explanatory power--with other better known strains of the "new institutionalism." We also briefly discuss extensions and critiques of Lijphart's distinction between majoritarian and consensus-oriented governmental structures.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionspolitical cultureparliamentsvotersvotingpublic choiceparticipationArend Lijphart and the 'New Institutionalism'articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4j0660w52011-03-18T23:42:39Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4j0660w5Taagepera, Reinauthor2003-08-01This paper examines the prospects for democracy in Islamic countries, based on the experience of Europe and other regions during earlier democratization periods. The paper examines the factors that might encourage Islamic countries to democratize. It also considers the role of religion in affecting the course of democratization in Europe and the Islamic World.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical culturevotersProspects for Democracy in Islamic Countriesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4fm4m4m62011-03-18T23:40:18Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4fm4m4m6Dalton, Russell J.authorRohrschneider, Robertauthor1999-04-15This paper examines the extent to which environmental groups cooperate globally. The literature on international environmentalism has increasingly stressed the development of cooperative networks among environmental NGOs, the sharing of environmental information and resources, and the development of a global civil society within the environmental movement. We determine the actual extent of this global environmental network, and the implications for international environmentalism. We examine the responses of 248 environmental groups included in the 1998 Global Environmental Organizations Survey (GEOS). The responses to our questions yield valuable insights into the extent to which groups cooperate nationally and internationally, and the nature of this cooperation. In addition, we provide an initial explanation for the crossnational variation in groups' responses to our questions.publicdemocratic institutionssocial movementsenvironmentTransnational Environmentalism: Do Environmental Groups Cooperate Globally?articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4974t33n2011-03-18T23:36:15Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4974t33nAlexander, Amy C.author2007-10-31Multiple literatures suggest that the following factors may figure prominently in explanations of women’s increasing empowerment: economic modernity factors, cultural modernity factors, cultural legacies, institutional legacies, political institutions, and the status of women’s civil society. I argue that the comparison of these factors across different stages of women’s empowerment will give us a clearer picture for understanding the roles of social conditions, national histories, institutional designs and associational behavior in empowering women. This, in turn, will help us clarify the ability of theories central to the study of politics to explain social change in processes of inclusion.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical cultureparliamentsminoritiesEmpowering Women: The Role of Economic Development, Political Culture and Institutional Design in the World’s Societiesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt4512h29j2011-03-18T23:32:01Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/4512h29jWeldon, Stevenauthor2003-07-15In recent years, scholars of nationalism have brought renewed focus on political and cultural conceptions of nationhood and citizenship. Drawing on this literature, namely the idea of citizenship regime types, I develop a macro-theoretical framework for understanding cross-national variations in tolerance levels toward ethnic minorities and immigrants. Specifically, I hypothesize that nation-states with more exclusive legal and cultural conceptions of citizenship will have lower aggregate levels of both political and social tolerance. Employing empirical data from a 1997 Eurobarometer survey, I then systematically test the framework, as well as competing explanations, for all member states of the European Union. The results confirm the hypotheses and indicate a strong and significant relationship between citizenship regime type and native populations' tolerance of ethnic minorities and immigrants.publicdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical culturelawminoritiesraceethnicityImages of Nationhood and Tolerance of Ethnic Minorities: A Comparative Analysis of Western Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt42w2c8b22011-03-18T23:29:43Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/42w2c8b2Sandholtz, WayneauthorKoetzle, Williamauthor1998-05-15Although corruption poses fundamental challenges to both democratic governance and market economies, surprisingly little political science research addresses corruption in a comparative context. In this article we explain variation in the perceived level of corruption (defined as the misuse of public office for private gain) across fifty countries. We propose a set of hypotheses that explain variation in corruption levels in terms of domestic political-economic structures, democratic norms, and integration into the international economy. Levels of corruption, we propose, are higher: 1) the greater the extent of state control of the economy, 2) the weaker the democratic norms and values, and 3) the lower the degree of integration into the world economy. The multivariate data analysis broadly confirms our predictions, each of the independent variables is significant in the direction we expected.publicdemocracydemocratic politicspolitical culturepoliticsmacroeconomicsAccounting for Corruption: Economic Structure, Democratic Norms, and Tradearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3tj7c4bb2011-03-18T23:22:14Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3tj7c4bbWelzel, ChristianauthorInglehart, Ronaldauthor2008-03-19This article argues that “human empowerment” is the most important driving force behind effective democratization. Though elite agreements are central to establish nominal democracy, effective democracy does not emerge because elites concede it to the masses, but because ordinary people become increasingly capable and willing to place effective mass pressures on the elites. Effective democracy is thus the outcome of a broader process of “human empowerment.”publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationpolitical cultureparticipationDemocracy as Human Empowerment: The Role of Ordinary People in the Emergence and Survival of Democracyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3qq4v57p2011-03-18T23:19:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3qq4v57pUhlaner, Carole JauthorGarcia, F. Chrisauthor1998-06-15There is limited solid evidence on the determinants of partisan preference among Latinos in the United States. This study makes use of the Latino National Political Survey to explore the partisanship of Mexican-Americans, Cuban-Americans, and Puerto Ricans on the mainland and, in comparison, that of non-Latino whites (Anglos). We particularly focus upon the relationships between learning, demographic factors and partisanship. Our national data generally validates the overall pattern of preferences found in more limited studies: strong Republican Party preferences among the Cuban-Americans and Democratic partisanship within the other two groups. We also find that the demographic correlates of preference vary substantially across these ethnic groups. One result that does hold for all three Latino groups is an increase in Democrat Party identification with experience of U.S. politics (as measured by age or time in the United States). This result supports a learning-theory view of Latino partisanship. We also find that those Latinos who are more integrated into their ethnic culture are more likely to support the party dominant for their group. When we turn our attention to factors that distinguish independents from partisans, we find fewer differences across groups. Higher education and older age tend to be associated with partisanship as has been found for the general US population. For both direction and independence, religion matters for Anglos and Puerto Ricans but not the other two groups. Finally, we examine strong versus weak attachment among partisans and again find age effects. This research demonstrates how learning theories of partisan identification can be elucidated by analyzing an understudied sub-population of Americans. It also underscores the importance of resisting the impulse of grouping all Latinos under a single heading in the study of their political behavior.publicdemocracyelectionspolitical culturevotersparticipationethnicityFoundations of Latino Party Identification: Learning, Ethnicity and Demographic Factors Among Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans and Anglos in the United Statesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3q6437f62011-03-18T23:18:56Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3q6437f6Stout, ChristopherauthorKline, Reubenauthor2008-10-02By systematically analyzing the universe of black, Latino, Asian American Senate and Gubernatorial candidates, a representative sample of female candidates, and a large sample of white male comparison cases, we demonstrate that there is a Bradley Effect for black candidates that continues to the present day. We also show that women are susceptible to a reverse Bradley Effect. In addition to this contribution, the article also introduces a model of preference falsification which fills a gap in the survey response bias literature and is consistent with our overall findings, though to our knowledge no data exists to test it directly.publicelectionsvotersvotingminoritiesraceethnicityAshamed Not to Vote for an African-American; Ashamed to Vote for a Woman: An Analysis of the Bradley Effect from 1982-2006articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3nb7x3qs2011-03-18T23:17:13Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3nb7x3qsWelzel, ChristianauthorKlingemann, Hans-Dieterauthor2007-07-30Congruence theory suggests that democratic institutions are supplied on a level that is congruent with mass demands for democracy. Recently this claim has been disconfirmed by showing that the cross-country correlation between the institutional supply of democracy and mass demands for democracy is weak. But this finding is flawed because of inflated measurements that give an embellished picture of many societies’ democratic reality. To validate this point we demonstrate that standard measures of both the institutional supply of democracy and of mass demands for democracy are often seriously deflated as one weights them by characteristics relevant to democracy in practice. These weighting procedures yield “effective” institutional supplies of democracy and “genuine” mass demands for democracy, providing a more realistic picture of a society’s state of democracy. Using these realistic measures, congruence between the institutional supply of democracy and mass demands for democracy becomes much more strongly evident, reconfirming congruence theory. Further evidence suggests that democratic congruence is rather a development-driven than an institutionally-inherited phenomenon. The article concludes with a discussion of this finding in a typological framework of democratization.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic institutionspolitical cultureUnderstanding Democratic Congruence: A Demand-Supply Perspectivearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3n67v86t2011-03-18T23:17:01Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3n67v86tDeSipio, LouisauthorMasuoka, NatalieauthorStout, Christopherauthor2006-09-19Asian Americans and Latinos are currently one of the fastest growing racial minority groups in the United States. However, much of this growth is due to immigration: over half of both communities are new immigrants. Thus, Asian American and Latino political incorporation is directly related to the challenges associated with immigration and in ensuring the transition from citizen adult to voter. This paper explores the effect of immigration on the Asian American and Latino political behavior. Applying DeSipio’s (1996) model of new electorates, we disaggregate immigrants from both communities into three non-voting categories: non-naturalized immigrant adults, citizen adults not registered to vote, and registered voter adults who did not vote in the 2000 or 2004 election. Using Current Population Survey (CPS) data we identify and compare the factors that differentiate these three non-voting categories from those who voted between both communities. We find that Asian American and Latino political incorporation cannot be predicted solely on the basis of individual socioeconomic factors. In addition, we must take into account influences related to immigration and political institutions such as labor unions.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionselectionsvotersvotingminoritiespoliticsraceparticipationethnicityThe Changing Non-Voter: What Differentiates Non-Voters and Voters in Asian American and Latino Communities?articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3n25s0462011-03-18T23:16:52Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3n25s046Harper, Marcusauthor1999-07-15Adopting theories of economic voting developed in Western democracies, the present study tests the hypothesis that the replacement of incumbent pro-market/pro-democracy governments with ex-communist parties in post-communist East European elections was a function of the economic calculus of frustrated citizens at the ballot box. Using data from the Central and Eastern EuroBarometer (CEEB) studies, this investigation adopts an individual-level approach to examine the degree to which economic assessments and unemployment influenced both pro-reform incumbent and ex-communist party voting intentions in Lithuania (1992), Hungary (1994), and Bulgaria (1994). The dominant impression which emerges from the logistic regression estimations predicting voting intentions is that, despite strong expectations to the contrary, economic factors had at best a modest effect on party choice in these nations. These findings corroborate recent country-specific studies of electoral behavior in Eastern Europe which observe that the return to parliamentary power of ex-communist parties in these societies was not simply a function of economic voting.publicdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionsvotersvotingmicroeconomicsmacroeconomicsEconomic Voting in Post-Communist Eastern Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3jx2b9112011-03-18T23:14:51Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3jx2b911Dalton, Russell J.authorvan Sickle, Alixauthor2005-08-08Political protest plays an ambiguous role in the repertoire of political action. This essay examines cross-national levels of protest. With data from the new 1999-2002 wave of the World Values Survey, we test theories of protest derived from relative deprivation theory, political opportunity structures and political culture. The WVS enables us to test these theories on a near global scale with data from nearly 70 national surveys, comparing how the nature of protest potentially varies cross-nationally. We find that the primary sources of protest reflect the existing of resources and political opportunities to engage in protest activity. People protest not because they are frustrated and excluded from politics, but because the can protest and they expect governments to respond to their actions.publicdemocratizationpolitical culturevoterssocial movementsparticipationThe Resource, Structural, and Cultural Bases of Protestarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3gc9j43c2011-03-18T23:12:27Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3gc9j43cSinclair, Barbaraauthor1998-07-15Do parties matters? Congressional scholars have for decades assumed they do; they have written about Congress as if parties are important and have provided what they believed was ample evidence that parties affect how Congress operates and, to varying extents, influence the substance of the legislation produced. Yet a number of prominent political scientists have contested what seemed obvious. My purpose here is to critically assess the argument that parties do not matter, suggest an alternative perspective and provide some supporting evidence. My tests focus primarily on special rules in the House, though I do present other bits of evidence that parties matter as well. I argue that indeed Congress can not be understood in the absence of parties and that parties do affect outcomes.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partieslegislaturesDo Parties Matter?articlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3d9477vm2011-03-18T23:10:16Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3d9477vmRobnett, Belindaauthor2007-06-08This study is the first to compare the role of feelings of collective identity, or a shared sense of common fate, on the likelihood of participating in conventional (electoral) low-commitment political activity that takes little time (voting), conventional high-commitment involvement that requires more time and effort (participation in a voter registration drive), unconventional (non-electoral) low-commitment political activity (signing a petition), and unconventional high-commitment activity (participation in a protest march or demonstration). The paper concludes that collective identity is a powerful predictor of the likelihood of participation in unconventional but not conventional political activity irrespective of the level of commitment.publicdemocratic politicssocial movementsminoritiesraceparticipationDoes Collective Identity Matter? : African-American Conventional and Unconventional Political Participationarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt3958b2qb2011-03-18T23:07:13Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/3958b2qbSmith, Steven RathgebauthorIngram, Helenauthor1997-09-15The frameworks and models employed in conventional policy analysis serve poorly the purpose of examining the impacts of institutions and public policies upon citizenship and democracy. This failing is all the more serious during the current period of non-incremental institutional and public policy change. Such fundamental changes in the landscape of governance include: the diminishing power of Washington and the devolution of authority over many issues to lower levels of government; the movement of many public issues from public to private spheres; the use of market-like incentives in public policies; the emergence of community-based initiatives in policy; and the creation of new institutional forms including new kinds of property rights and regional forums. The purpose of this round table is to raise critical questions about the possible side effects of the "reforms" being undertaken. What will be the impacts on already underserved constituencies? How will institutional and public policy changes affect the mobilization of and participation of groups? How will the attitudes citizens hold about their obligations to government and their conceptions of role of government in society be altered? And, from a research perspective, how should the models and methodologies political scientists and policy analysts be modified to better capture the effects on institutions and policies upon citizenship and democracy?publicdemocracydemocratic institutionslegislaturespolicyInstitutions and Policies for Democracy: A Discussion Paperarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2wb616g62011-03-18T22:55:08Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2wb616g6Eckstein, Harryauthor1997-07-15This essay was written for Can Democracy Take Root in Post-Soviet Russia? Edited by Harry Eckstein, Frederic J. Fleron, Erik P. Hoffmann, and William M. Reisinger (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998). It discusses cultural congruence theory and how this might be applied to post-communist Russia.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical cultureCongruence Theory Explainedarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2n49r2s32011-03-18T22:48:04Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2n49r2s3Torpey, Johnauthor1997-10-15This article undertakes four tasks. First, I show how and why states have sought to monopolize the "legitimate means of movement" -- that is, to gather into their own hands the exclusive right to authorize and regulate movement. Next, I argue that the processes involved in this monopolization force us to re-think the very nature of modern states as they have been portrayed by the dominant strands of sociological theories of the state. In particular, I seek to show that the notion that states "penetrate" societies over time fails adequately to capture the nature of state development, and argue instead that we would do better to regard states as "embracing" their citizenries more successfully over time. Then, I analyze the development of modern states as nation-states and demonstrate the corresponding need for states to identify unambiguously who belongs and who does not-in order to "embrace" their members more effectively and to exclude unwanted intruders. Finally, I discuss the nature and legal implications of the various documentary systems that undergird and make possible both states' embrace of individuals and the monopolization of the means of legitimate movement by states and the international state system: (external or international) passports, internal passports ("passes"), and ID cards.publicdemocratic institutionslegislaturessociologyminoritiesComing and Going: On the State Monopolization of the Legitimate Means of Movementarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2j74b8602011-03-18T22:45:27Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2j74b860Dalton, Russell J.authorShin, Doh ChullauthorJou, Willyauthor2007-05-18This paper addresses the question of whether ordinary people express a reasonable understanding of the meaning of democracy, and what are the contents of their definitions? Do people focus on the procedural aspects of democracy—elections, democratic institutions, and processes—which are the main focus of democratization efforts. Alternatively, do they see democracy in terms of rights and liberties, or economic or social welfare terms? We draw on a wide range of recent public opinion surveys from Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. Our research yields three generalizations about popular conceptions of democracy. First, even in new democracies, most people can define democracy in their own words. Second, and most important, most people think of democracy in terms of the freedoms, liberties and rights that it conveys, rather than procedural conceptions of liberal democracy. Third, equating democracy with social benefits emerges as a minor theme, even in the poorest of nations. Our findings thus suggest that democratic aspirations are shaped by perceptions of the liberties and freedom that democracy can produce, and that are seen as lacking in other political systems.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical culturePopular Conceptions of the Meaning of Democracy: Democratic Understanding in Unlikely Placesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2cj1c67k2011-03-18T22:40:48Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2cj1c67kKittilson, Miki CaulauthorDalton, Russell J.author2008-04-16Although scholars generally agree that social interactions within traditional social groups build social capital, they debate the benefits of a virtual civil society based on social interactions over the Internet. Our research examines how interpersonal social group activity and virtual activity contribute to the multiple dimensions of social capital: social trust, citizen norms and political involvement. Our analyses rely on data collected in the 2005 Citizenship Involvement Democracy survey conducted by the Center for Democracy and Civil Society at Georgetown University. This survey provides unique detail on participation in both social groups and virtual interactions. Our findings suggest that social group activity and virtual interactions both foster democratic norms and activities.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic politicspolitical cultureparticipationThe Internet and Virtual Civil Society: The New Frontier of Social Capitalarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2947q73k2011-03-18T22:38:25Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2947q73kPahlavi, Revaauthor2009-05-27This is a speech by the son of the former Shah of Iran. The speech addresses Iran-US relations.publicdemocratizationdemocratic politicspolitical cultureIran-US Relations: At a New Cross Roadsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt2800c2362011-03-18T22:37:13Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/2800c236Drummond, Andrewauthor2006-08-23Building on scholarship that seeks to explain sincere voting in electoral context, this paper investigates whether system openness, defined by the complex of electoral institutions which shape party system dynamics like district magnitude, proportional seat allocation and legal thresholds, has consequences for voters’ decisions to remain loyal to their preferences. I begin by asking under what circumstances we should expect voters to be loyal to their preferences, identifying three baseline correlates of sincerity. I then investigate the extent to which such conditions hold when placed in the proper electoral context. The study makes use of matched vote choice and party preference data from respondents across 18 advanced democracies compiled by the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). I find that small party supporters are more likely to cast sincere ballots when they have strongly positive feelings for their party and when their affect toward the top two parties differs little. By contrast, when voters are less positive about their party and especially when they perceive a large difference between the top alternatives, they are much more likely to stray. Finally, institutional characteristics alter these relationships, with more open electoral systems strengthening the relationship between affect and sincerity, and weakening the pressure to cast strategic ballots when the top alternatives seem very different. These results provide generalized support for previous work linking sincerity levels to permissive electoral arrangements, while providing a contextualized understanding of how electoral institutions can impact voter rationale.publicdemocracydemocraticdemocratizationdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersvotingpoliticsThe Impact of Party Affect on Voter Sincerity in Open and Closed Electoral Systemsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt20f203bx2011-03-18T22:29:38Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/20f203bxElkins, ZacharyauthorSides, Johnauthor2006-09-01Nation-states include, to varying degrees, citizens that “stand out” due to factors such as place of birth, ethnicity, language, and religion. We investigate whether these “distinctive” citizens manifest an attachment to the state equal to that of more “central” citizens. Using cross-national surveys, we measure national attachment among a nation-state’s “distinctive” and “core” population and then seek to uncover the conditions under which national attachment is universalized. We construct a model of national attachment with individual- and country- level predictors as well as a set of interaction terms that test whether various country-level factors condition the effect of “distinctiveness.” These interactions suggest that distinctive citizens’ attachment to the nation-state decreases as the size of the distinctive population increases, and, somewhat surprisingly, as the level of economic inequality increases. We find no evidence that democratic institutions affect the views of distinctive citizens, though there is some evidence that federalism helps mitigate the effect of distinctiveness. These results have particular implications for state-building and democratic consolidation in multi-ethnic states.publicdemocracypolitical cultureminoritiesethnicityIn Search of the Unified Nation-State: National Attachment among Distinctive Citizensarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1v62q8pw2011-03-18T22:25:14Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1v62q8pwFeng, Wangauthor2007-10-16How do the Chinese population interpret a socially segregated China that already has a half-century history? Moreover, to what extent do Chinese of different status perceive such a social reality in a similar or a dissimilar way? On top of the social and economic categories that are in existence, are there also corresponding mental categories that both reflect and cement the social divide? These are the main questions I attempt to address in this paper. I will first establish that there are indeed three distinctive social groups today who compose the Chinese population and discuss that the differences separating these categories are institutional not geographical or simply occupational. Utilizing national survey data on perceptions of distributive justice, I will then explore what differences, if any, exist among the three groups in their perceptions of the current social system and economic inequality in China. I will also show how different social groups perceive their social status in the Chinese society today. Lastly, I will examine how perception of inequality is socially bounded by identifying the unique role of social categories in perceptions of inequality, a role that is independent of the characteristics of individuals who form these three social groups.publicdemocracydemocratizationdemocratic politicssociologyparticipationBoundaries of Inequality: Perceptions of Distributive Justice among Urbanities, Migrants, and Peasantsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1s76v2s72011-03-18T22:23:08Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1s76v2s7Glazer, Amihaiauthor1998-09-15Data from U.S. presidential elections show that most third parties take extreme positions rather than positions between those of the major parties. This and other phenomena are explained with an extension of the Downsian model of elections. When parties choose not only positions, but also choose among which voters to campaign, then a small party may choose an extreme position to reduce the effectiveness of campaigns against it, and to induce a big party to campaign against another big party, rather than against itself.publicdemocracydemocratic institutionspolitical partiespublic choiceStrategic Positioning and Campaigningarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1q34f69c2011-03-18T22:20:57Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1q34f69cLatner, MichaelauthorMcGann, Anthony J.author2004-04-15It has frequently been argued that proportional representation lead to national politics with little or no regional representation. We examine this in the case of the two most extreme cases of proportional representation, Israel and the Netherlands. We find that actually there are very distinct patterns of geographical representation. Although central metropolitan areas are somewhat over-represented in the legislatures, so are the most peripheral regions. This is due to the fact that parties tend to choose representatives from the geographical regions where they expect to be electorally competitive. Furthermore, proportional representation does not necessarily lead to nationally competitive parties, as in Israel. We also consider the relationship between geographical and other aspects of descriptive representation, such as gender and ethnicity.publicdemocratic politicsdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsvotersGeographical Representation Under Proportional Representation: The Cases of Israel and the Netherlandsarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1ps0p4582011-03-18T22:20:39Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1ps0p458Skaperdas, Stergiosauthor2003-06-15Over the past half century the term consumer has gained over that of citizen in designating the adult population of the West. Over the same period, it has also been argued that a number of measures of public discourse have declined. I try to make sense of this trend using a formal model in which public discourse is treated as a collective good that requires time. I show that economic growth is typically associated with reductions in public discourse. Moreover, increases in material welfare can be associated with enough reduction in public discourse so that individual welfare can decline with economic growth.publicdemocracydemocratic politicspolitical culturepublic choiceparticipationTurning "Citizens" into "Consumers": Economic Growth and the Level of Public Discoursearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1kh6r88m2011-03-18T22:17:30Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1kh6r88mWattenberg, Martinauthor1998-08-15Based on what was known about the factors influencing turnout rates, there was good reason to expect that American turnout would gradually increase to around the high levels then experienced in most established democracies. The reasons why turnout should have increased in recent decades make perfect sense and there is little reason to believe that the underlying theories have proved to be wrong. But turnout has decreased over time. This paper examines the factors that explain who votes in the United States at present, and as compared to the early 1960s.publicdemocracyelectionsvotersvotingparticipationTurnout Decline in the U.S. and other Advanced Industrial Democraciesarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1j7528b12011-03-18T22:16:25Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1j7528b1Minh Hac, PhamauthorThanh Nghi, Phamauthor2006-08-15This paper first describes Vietnam's experience with the doimoi reforms, and how these reforms have affected the economy. Over the past two decades, Vietnam has undergone a profound economic transformation, and this is a continuing process. Then, the paper examines public orientations toward the market and the values underlying market competition, drawing upon the World Values Survey in Vietnam and additional survey evidence from the Institute of Human Studiespublicpolitical cultureeconomicspolicyPublic Attitudes toward a Market Economy in Vietnamarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1gc217tf2011-03-18T22:14:34Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1gc217tfTverdova, Yuliya V.author2007-10-16The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, it explores the formation of economic perceptions in post-communist Europe. Second, it investigates the mechanism of economic voting in that region during the early transition years. Using both micro- and macro-level data from 11 newly established democracies in East Central Europe, the author finds that national economic perceptions were disconnected from the objective economic reality, and mostly driven by personal economic evaluations and political attitudes. In addition, the empirical findings suggest that economic voting in the wake of the transition was both retrospective and prospective.publicdemocratic politicselectionsvotersvotingeconomicsparticipationEconomic Perceptions and Economic Voting in Post Communist Countries of East Central Europearticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1fw7d77s2011-03-18T22:14:02Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1fw7d77sGlotz, Peterauthor1999-06-01This talk was given at UC Irvine (May 21, 1999) to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Federal Republic of Germany. Glotz discusses the successes of the Federal Republic and the challenges that still face the nation.publicdemocracydemocratizationpolitical partieselectionspolitical cultureparliamentslegislaturesvotersGerman Democracy at Fifty: Historical Retrospective and Political Outlookarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt16s1c0mt2011-03-18T22:07:16Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/16s1c0mtGrofman, BernardauthorStockwell, Robertauthor2001-06-01We review institutional approaches to mitigating ethnic conflict and fostering stable democracy in plural societies using a four-fold classification: (1)building institutional fences between different ethnic communities through mechanisms such as federalism, communally-based legal and educational systems, and mono-ethnic electoral constituencies or ethnic electoral rolls (the extreme case of which is political breakup into states that are more ethnically homogeneous); (2) implementing power-sharing mechanisms at the elite level that institutionalize norms such as proportional allocation and mutual veto across ethnies, using electoral rules such as list PR that strengthen the power of (ethnically-defined) political elites; (3) implementing electoral institutions that have the potential for voting across ethnic lines and the election of candidates with perceived obligations wider than their own ethnic group, or the creation of parties that are multi-ethnic in character (such as use of the single-transferable vote within constituencies that are multi-ethnic in character, or its single district variant, the alternative vote); (4) minimizing the importance of ethnicity for political life and for social and economic opportunity via mechanisms that emphasize a common legal system with a strong system of civil rights and civil liberties, shared civic values, and either the teaching of a single common language or "forced" multilingual education, and which strengthen the political importance of non-ethnic bases for divisions, e.g., class or geography, and avoid allocative mechanisms that are ethnically-based. We link our approach to dealing with plural societies to the foundations of constitutional political economy laid out in Buchanan and Tullock (1962) and to our own perspective (Grofman 2000) on institutions as "problem solvers."publicdemocratic institutionspolitical partiesmicroeconomicsmacroeconomicsethnicityInstitutional Design in Plural Societies: Mitigating Ethnic Conflict and Fostering Stable Democracyarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt1318d3rx2011-03-18T22:03:26Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/1318d3rxBernstein, Thomas P.author2004-08-01By the early 21st century, social unrest had become a normal feature of Chinese society. Whether defined as unrest, protest, or resistance, members of major social groups became increasingly assertive in their quest of redress of grievances. The aim of many of the protests was to call the attention of top-level leaders to particular grievances. This paper, which focuses on peasant responses to extraction of taxes and fees, exemplifies this point: peasants and their leaders asserted themselves against local officials in the name of the Central leaders’ edicts to reduce peasant financial burdens. The frequency of unrest and the organizational coherence of collective actions has increased, but the impact of protests was limited by the lack of horizontal linkages and coordination between different groups of protestors, thereby weakening their overall impact.publicpolitical culturesocial movementsparticipationUnrest in Rural China: A 2003 Assessmentarticlelocaloai:escholarship.org:ark:/13030/qt0sd3x8n02011-03-18T21:55:03Z am 3u eScholarship, University of Californiahttps://escholarship.org/uc/item/0sd3x8n0Bengtsson, ÅsaauthorWass, Hannaauthor2009-06-02Until recently, voters’ views on the representational roles of MPs have been almost an unexplored field in the studies of political behaviour. With the exception of Carman (2007) and Mendez-Lago and Martínez (2002), the few existing studies have mainly been conducted in a U.S. context and are fairly dated. In this study, we are partly filling this gap by examining voters’ views on representational roles in the Finnish open-list PR-system with mandatory preferential voting, which is characterised by a strong degree of candidate centeredness. Based on the Finnish election study 2007 (FSD2138, N=1,422), we first analyse support for various representational styles most often discussed in the literature, i.e. resemblance, delegation and trustee model, and then account for it through the social and political background of the respondents. The results show that both the delegate and trustee styles of representation are almost equally popular. The support for the different styles of representation is connected to socio-demographic factors, party identification and political orientation. Based on our findings we argue that the Finnish context becomes particularly evident in the heavy investment placed by voters on single representatives. Finally, more research in the field, and especially development of more nuanced survey instruments are required in order to fully account for the complex nature of citizens’ expectations of representational relationship.publicdemocratic institutionspolitical partieselectionsparliamentsvotersvotingparticipationStyles of Political Representation: What do Voters Expect?articlelocal