Some Principles of Formal Variation in the Kolintang Music of the Maranao

T he two principal groups of Moslems living on the island of Mindanao in the Southern Philippines are the Maranao and their neighbors, the Maguindanao. Although each of these groups regards itself as distinct from its neighbors, their languages are mutually intelligible and they share many common cultural traits. Islam has strongly imbued the daily life of both groups and among them the numerous Hadji-persons who have made the long pilgrimage to Mecca-are highly honored. The Maranao live in the northwestern part of Mindanao around the large Lake Lanao from which they take their name, Maranao, "people of the lake." They number slightly more than the Maguindanao, 190,000 according to the 1943 census, and are very proud of the large Mindanao State University in their capital city, Marawi, which is designed to serve Mindanao, the Sulus, and Palawan.

but also employing the end-blown flute, the Insi, the Kobing and Sirongaganding, a bamboo gong; the processional music (Tagongko ) played by a pair of large cymbals, Pandaopan, two large European type street drums, Tambor, and two small gongs, Pong (Fig. 3); Kagandang, the singing of heroic epics to the accompaniment of a pair of Gandangan, double-headed drums; and several forms of religious as well as secular solo vocal music.
The most frequently heard music among both the Maranao and Magindanaon peoples is that of the Kolintang ensemble. This group of instruments takes its name from the melody-playing instrument of the ensemble, a row of usually bronze gongs over a simple trough resonator in a frame that is often elaborately decorated.
Ensembles of this type are found throughout the Moslem Philippines, that is, not only among the Maranao and Magindanaon but also among the various ethnic groups living in the Sulu Archipelago. Beyond the Philippines, this type of ensemble is found in northern Borneo, where the name Kolintang is also employed and further east in many of the small islands of the Moluccas of Indonesia.   All of these ensembles have in common a row of melody-playing gongs whose number varies greatly and which is usually supported in performance by drums and larger gongs which supply rhythmic variation and structural emphasis. The structure of this ensemble reaches great subtlety and complexity among the Maranao. The Kolintang kettles themselves are frequently cast by the cire perdue method at the village of Togaya on the coast of Lake Lanao only a few miles from Marawi City.
The alloy used in these gongs as well as the tuning may vary considerably from one set to another.
Although the tuning of the Kolintang row varies greatly throughout the Moslem Philippines, there is often a similar preferred pattern of large and small intervals that results in some uniformity of contour when the same melody is heard on differently tuned sets. Unfortunately, not enough source material on the Kolintang tunings is available to allow any definitive statement to be made concerning the Maranao tuning at the present time.
Jos6 Maceda points out, however, that several Magindanaon musicians were fascinated by a toy piano that he had in his house and by trial and error one of them came up with a scale that corresponded to a Pelog type and proceeded to play several Magindanaon tunes in this tuning.2 Similarly, Mr. Usopay Cadar has a tape recording of a Maranao street musician who plays Kolintang music on the harmonica and who, likewise, has hit upon a Pelog type of scale as most satisfactory.
The Maranao people use Kolintang music frequently and any sizable gathering of people can become a Kalilang, an occasion for merrymaking, and consequently an occasion for music. The Maranao recognize two distinct kinds of gathering at which Kolintang music is employed. A formal affair is called Kapmasa-ala Ko Lima-Ka-Daradiat (Masa-ala = formal puzzle/gathering, Lima-Ka-Daradiat = a set of five proposals/instruments or players), and includes the recitation of lyric poetry, singing, and dancing (Fig. 4). A more informal gathering is called Kap'pakaradia-an (Pakaradia-an = merry-making). The formal affairs occur in connection with marriage ceremonies, first, at the formal marriage proposal, and at the occasions during which transactions are being made concerning the exchange of gifts by both parties before and after the wedding; second, the elaborate parties held in honor of the pilgrims returning from Mecca; and third, during the celebration which follows the transferral of the Sultanate from one family to another.
The number of Kolintang sets in the Maranao region is great. In the village of Taraka which may have about 20,000 people, perhaps one family in three owns a Kolintang set. Since the occasions requiring the use of Kolintang are frequent, many people endeavor to obtain their own instruments rather than being forced to borrow them from neighbors.
In orthodox Kolintang performances, two large bossed gongs called Agong must be included in the ensemble. These gongs measure about 22 inches in diameter with a flange of about 10 inches in width.
These large gongs are often cast in Borneo and a particularly fine one may be quite expensive.
The Agong are struck on the boss with large padded mallets and are usually dampened with the player's other hand or with the mallets themselves. The two Agong are suspended by ropes from a tree limb, the ceiling or in a wooden frame and two gongs always play in interlocking pairs.
One part plays on the main beats and is called P'nanggisa-an (simple rhythm); the second gong, which is usually higher in pitch plays off the beat and is called P'malsan (from P'mals meaning "to pronounce"). In performance both players exhibit a spirit of friendly rivalry, trying to improvise variations without destroying the basic structure of the pattern.

Pemalsan
Penanggisa-an A small hanging gong, called Babndir (probably taking its name from the Arabic drum Bendir), about 10 inches in diameter, is beaten with one or two short unpadded sticks either on the rim or on the face of the gong. The Babndir plays a steady stream of rhythmic variations which is free to follow the contours of the Kolintang part, the drum pattern, or wha is being played on the two Agong.
A large single-headed drum, called Dadabuan or Dbakan, and played with two long rattan sticks, has perhaps the greatest scope for improvisation in the ensemble. The name of the instrument is based on the word Dbak, which may in turn derive from one of the Arabic names for the vase-shaped drum, Tombak or Dombak. This instrument, almost always played by a man, most often begins the performance with a series of dramatic strokes followed by the steady ostinato of the player's own preferred pattern. The number of possible variations is great, yet once the ostinato pattern begins the Agong and Babndir players are expected to join in quickly.
These instruments may play along together for some time before the Kolintang itself joins in. Among the Maranao, the Kolintang is almost always played by a female. It may require a certain amount of persistent persuasion to get her to agree to play. Once she agrees, she may walk gracefully to the Kolintang, seat herself before the instrument, play a short pattern in free rhythm called Ka-anon designed to allow the player'to be certain that the gongs have not been reversed in order for some other composition. Then she will casually arrange the folds of the Malong, the Maranao skirt-like garment equivalent to a sarong. Only after all this will she take general notice of the fact that the other instruments have been playing a kind of music-minus-one in expectation of the Kolintang. The Kolintang then begins to play a series of single strokes synchronizing the rhythm of the other instruments. These strokes are played with the right hand usually on the third kettle or less frequently on the sixth kettle. These single strokes are continued until the Kolintang player is satisfied that the rhythm is well established, she being free to speed up or slow down the tempo according to her personal taste and to suit the composition which she intends to play.
During this portion of the performance only the Kolintang player has any idea which piece will be performed. After all the instruments of the ensemble have been stabilized the soloist may begin the first pattern of the composition proper. In certain compositions this may lead directly to the first part of the melody and yet in other pieces, notably the more complex ones like Kapagonor or Kapromayas, there is a kind of introductory pattern which is part of the composition but which can be repeated until the player feels ready to go on.
The performance then continues with the Dadabuan, Agong, and Babndir players continuing to improvise on their basic patterns, frequently attempting to work some element of the Kolintang part into their own variations. The Kolintang also improvises but within somewhat differently imposed limits. In order to look more closely at the structure of the Kolintang part it will be necessary first to consider something of the nature of the compositons in the repertoire.
Among the Magindanaon people, recreational performances of Kolintang music must consist of the performance of three compositions, or rhythmic/melodic patterns which are the basis of improvisation. These three compositions are Duyog, Sinulog, and Tidtu and they must be performed in this order. The three pieces can be played in either the old sedate Danden style or in the more modem and lively Binalig style.3 Among the Maranao no such formal order exists in performance. However, there are three compositions which are considered more difficult and which also allow the performer greater scope for variations. These three compositions are Kapromayas or Romayas, Kapagonor or Onor, and Katitik Pandai, also called Kapaginandang. At least one of these compositions is usually played at every Kolintang performance, formal or informal.
Although the Maranao traditionally recognize no such division, for purposes of discussion here, the entire body of Kolintang music may be thought of as falling into three generic types. One, pieces which originated as songs; two, abstract compositions, and three, compositions which attempt to imitate extramusical sounds or effects.
Before concentration on the abstract type of compositions, we may give a few examples of types two and three. The composition Kapmamayog is based on a song called Mamayog in which a young girl chides her young man (whose name is Mamayog) about the direction in which he is traveling, suggesting that perhaps there is some other girl he plans to visit. Compositions of both these types are usually very simple in structure, most often consisting of the main motive, its variation, and its restatement at one or sometimes two higher positions and often a second motive. Each of these elements can be repeated by the player at will before contrasting it with another element.

Let us look once again at the composition Kapmamayog. The
Kolintang version of the song is based on three sections which must be played in the prescribed order. Sections two and three are, in fact, direct variations of section one. Because of the great variation in tuning from one Kolintang set to another, all further transcriptions will be given in cipher notation with the gongs indicated by the number 1 to 8, from low to high. A comparative cents table of some Kolintang tunings is given at the end of this article. In these transcriptions each cipher is equal to one beat. Ciphers appearing close together and underlined are given half beats. Rests are indicated by a dash in place of the cipher. The transcriptions are basically for right hand, which plays the melody. The left hand most frequently plays on one gong, usually gong 2 or 3, and plays double notes during the rests of the right hand. The left hand is free and more subject to individual and personal interpretation than the right. Section IIB then leads to IIA which is a crucial figure in the structure of the piece. After playing it, the Kolintang player may go on, or return to IIA with the aid of a transitional figure. Also, after the completion of both sections III and IV, it is to IIA that the player returns. It is also after IIIA that the cadential pattern can be introduced. Throughout the Maranao repe Agong patterns are employed, m 4. Kanditagaonan is about a lover named Ditagaonan. In the story the woman reminds him of their relationship. Another version is a children's song: "My friend, Ditagaonan/Let us plant sweet potato(es) today/And then harvest it tomorrow/And then cook it the day after/To feed all the masses." 5. Kambongbong is based on a lullaby with onomatopoetic text. Another version is also a children's song: "Bong, bong, Javanese gong/ Play the big (Javanese) gong/ So that it be heard/ By the king's men/ Who will help cut bamboos/ And fell timbers/ To build a palace/ For the king and the queen." 6. Kap'panok from papanok meaning "bird." It is a song about a bird which is associated with a lover: "If only I were a bird/I would fly around/Surf the prevailing winds/To land wherever/You may be." 7. Kasirong from sirong meaning "to take shelter." This piece is a satire against a rich family (represented by a big tree or shelter) who preys on the poor.
8. Kandayo-dayo from dayo meaning "a friend." A song about a friend who is far away.
9. Kasulotan is a song about a certain sultan who went to Manila to seek a government job. He promises not to come home unless appointed for the position. But his lover promises, too, that unless he comes home soon she will have him replaced by a new candidate before long.
10. Kalabo-labo refers to a praying mantis; the song describes the funny shape of the insect and includes some meaningless vocables. 11. Kapagilala is a song asking the people to carry out their Islamic duties while there is peace and they have time and physical strength.