Positive Psychology: East and West

thors, no doubt. Their photos, however, seemed to offer only one kind of account: that which belongs to the dominant cultural group in the United States. Where were all the authors who could reflect the manifold variety of the United States'! Where in this issue were the writers who speak about the histories, courage, chal- lenges, and success of people of color? The contributing authors deconstructed some of the major dominant theories on psychology, but little was offered toward deconstructing how, in hosting such a relevant theme, the major journal in the field simply kept the perspectives of psychologists of color si- lenced and invisible. The reader may have concluded that overcoming, struggling with, surviving, and thriving in adversity is a sub- ject that belongs to White American authors and subjects. . Addressing issues of social justice from the perspective of a positive psychology can- not be replaced by a study about bio-cultural inheritance (Massimini & Delle Fave, Janu- ary 2000) or a cross-cultural study that com- pares attributions of well-being by citizens from a selected group of countries (Diener, January 2000). Seligman and Csikszentmi- halyi (2000) stated that they wanted to be comprehensive without being redundant (p. 8), but the results demonstrated the lack of inclusion that people of color so often experi- ence when psychologists address themes that they construe as significant. Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi suggested that the articles were intended to be broad overviews with an eye turned to cross-disciplinary links and practical significance (p. 9). Is it possible that there are no seasoned scholars of color or perspectives that use a positive psychology framework to speak about nondominant groups in the United States, not only within psychology but also across disciplines? A blind eye that continues to render large seg- ments of society invisible. cannot be compen- sated for by one informed eye turned only toward individuals and groups in mainstream psychology. IW'EUNCES Diener, E. (2000). Subjective well-being: The science of happiness and a proposal for a national index. American Psychologist, 55, Massimini, F., & Delle Fave, A. (2000). Indi- vidual development in a bio-cultural per- spective. American Psychologist, 55, 24- Seligman. M. E. P., & Csilcszentmihalyi, M. (2000). Positive psychology: An introduc- I tion. American Psychologist, 55, 5-14. Correspondence concerning this comment should be addressed to Gonzalo Bacigalupe, January 2001 • American Psychologist University of Massachusetts Boston, Graduate College of Education, Boston MA 02125- 3393 . Electronic mail may be sent to gonzalo.bacigalupe@umb.edu. DOI: 10.10l71/000l--066X.S6. I .83 Positive Psychology: East and West RogerWulsh University of California, Irvine 1 don't think I have ever been as excited by an issue of the American Psychologist as I was by the January 2000 issue on positive psy- chology edited by Martin E. P. Seligman and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi. At last the leaders of the American Psychological Association are focusing on the positive rather than only the pathological and are discussing topics such as happiness, well-being, and creativity. I feel happier already, and I applaud their effocts. At the same time, I feel compelled to point to an unfortunate gap: The issue is ethnocentric and lacks attention to, or even mention of, non-Western psychologies and therapies, as well as the field oftranspersonal psychology, which has worked to integrate Western and non-Western approaches. This is especially unfortunate because it is now apparent that certain Asian psychologies are not only sophisticated systems with effective techniques-meditation and yoga being the best known- -but also focus specifically on positive well-being and exceptional develop- ment. For example, the Indian psychologies of Buddhism and yoga lack infonnation on the nature and treatment of major psychopa- thology. However, they contain a wealth of information on exceptional psychological health, postconventional transpersonal devel- opment, exceptional abilities, and the meth- ods for cultivating them (Tart, 1992; Walsh, 2000). A large body of research- several hundred studies on meditation alone-sug- gests that meditation and yoga have effects ranging across psychology, physiology, and biochemistry and can enhance both psycho- logical and physical health, sometimes to ex- ceptional degrees. ln the psychological arena, personality, performance, and perception may be en- hanced. Intriguing findings include evidence for enhanced empathy, perceptual sensitivity, creativity, lucid dreaming, marital satisfac- tion, and a positive sense of self-control. Studies of transcendental meditation suggest that it can foster maturation as measured by scales of moral, ego, and cognitive develop- ment, intelligence, academic achievement, self- actualization, and states of consciousness (Alexander, Rainforth, & Gelderloos, 1991; Mwphy & Donovan, l 997; Walsh & Vaugh- an, 1993; West, 1987). A variety of specific meditations exists to cultivate exceptional ca- pacities such as concentration, compassion, and altruism, although little experimental work has been done on these (Walsh, 1999). Researchers of positive psychology have a theoretical and practical gold mine of more than 2,000 years of exploration of positive psychology on which to draw. The field of transpersonal psychology draws on this data and has developed theo- ries that integrate Asian ideas with Western concepts and research. As such, it has begun to develop the outlines of a global integral psychology, best exemplified in the writings of Ken Wilber. A valuable overview of his ideas can be found in Wilber (1996), and a denser survey can be found in Wilber (2000) or in his collected works. ln drawing attention to the omission of Asian perspectives and the work on I.hem already done by transpersonal psychologists, I do not wish in any way to detract from the superb work done by contributors to the American Psychologist on positive psychol- ogy. 1 wish only to urge Western psycholo- gists to look beyond Western psychology and culture to incorporate the best of all psy- chologies and cultures. RIFERENCES Alexander, C., Rainforth, M., & Gelder!oos, P. ( 1991 ). Transcendental meditation, self- actualization and psychological health: A conceptual overview and statistical meta- analysis. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 6, 189-247. Murphy, M., & Donovan, S. (1997). The physical and psychological effects of medi- tation (2nd ed.). Sausalito, CA: Institute of Noetic Sciences. Tart, C. (Ed.). ( 1992). Transpersonal psy- chologies (3rd ed.). New York: Harper Collins Walsh, R. ( 1999). Essential spirituality: The seven central practices. New York: Wiley. Walsh, R. (2000). Asian therapies. In R. Corsini & D. Wedding (Eds.), Current psychothera- pies (6th ed., pp.407-444). Itasca, IL: Pea- cock . Walsh, R., & Vaughan, F. (Eds.). (1993). Path.v beyond ego: The transpersona/ vi- sion. New York: Tarcher/Putnam. West, M . (Ed.). (1987). The psychology of meditation. Oitford, England: Clarendcn Press. Wilber, K. (1996). A brief history of every- thing. Boston: Shambbala. Wilber, K. (2000). Integral psychology. Bos- ton: Shambhala. Correspondence concerning this comment should be addressed to Roger Walsh, Dep8r1-

pares attributions of well-being by citizens from a selected group of countries (Diener, January 2000). Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) stated that they wanted to be "comprehensive without being redundant" (p. 8), but the results demonstrated the lack of inclusion that people of color so often experience when psychologists address themes that they construe as significant. Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi suggested that the articles were intended to be "broad overviews with an eye turned to cross-disciplinary links and practical significance" (p. 9). Is it possible that there are no seasoned scholars of color or perspectives that use a positive psychology framework to speak about nondominant groups in the United States, not only within psychology but also across disciplines? A blind eye that continues to render large segments of society invisible. cannot be compensated for by one informed eye turned only toward individuals and groups in mainstream psychology.

IW'EUNCES
Diener, E. (2000). Subjective well-being: The science of happiness and a proposal for a national index. Positive Psychology:

East and West
RogerWulsh University of California, Irvine 1 don't think I have ever been as excited by an issue of the American Psychologist as I was by the January 2000 issue on positive psychology edited by Martin E. P. Seligman and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi. At last the leaders of the American Psychological Association are focusing on the positive rather than only the pathological and are discussing topics such as happiness, well-being, and creativity. I feel happier already, and I applaud their effocts.
At the same time, I feel compelled to point to an unfortunate gap: The issue is ethnocentric and lacks attention to, or even mention of, non-Western psychologies and therapies, as well as the field oftranspersonal psychology, which has worked to integrate Western and non-Western approaches. This is especially unfortunate because it is now apparent that certain Asian psychologies are not only sophisticated systems with effective techniques-meditation and yoga being the best known--but also focus specifically on positive well-being and exceptional development.
For example, the Indian psychologies of Buddhism and yoga lack infonnation on the nature and treatment of major psychopathology. However, they contain a wealth of information on exceptional psychological health, postconventional transpersonal development, exceptional abilities, and the methods for cultivating them (Tart, 1992;Walsh, 2000). A large body of research-several hundred studies on meditation alone-suggests that meditation and yoga have effects ranging across psychology, physiology, and biochemistry and can enhance both psychological and physical health, sometimes to exceptional degrees. ln the psychological arena, personality, performance, and perception may be enhanced. Intriguing findings include evidence for enhanced empathy, perceptual sensitivity, creativity, lucid dreaming, marital satisfaction, and a positive sense of self-control. Studies of transcendental meditation suggest that it can foster maturation as measured by scales of moral, ego, and cognitive development, intelligence, academic achievement, self-actualization, and states of consciousness (Alexander, Rainforth, & Gelderloos, 1991;Mwphy & Donovan, l 997;Walsh & Vaughan, 1993;West, 1987). A variety of specific meditations exists to cultivate exceptional capacities such as concentration, compassion, and altruism, although little experimental work has been done on these (Walsh, 1999). Researchers of positive psychology have a theoretical and practical gold mine of more than 2,000 years of exploration of positive psychology on which to draw.
The field of transpersonal psychology draws on this data and has developed theories that integrate Asian ideas with Western concepts and research. As such, it has begun to develop the outlines of a global integral psychology, best exemplified in the writings of Ken Wilber. A valuable overview of his ideas can be found in Wilber (1996), and a denser survey can be found in Wilber (2000) or in his collected works.
ln drawing attention to the omission of Asian perspectives and the work on I.hem already done by transpersonal psychologists, I do not wish in any way to detract from the superb work done by contributors to the American Psychologist on positive psychology. 1 wish only to urge Western psychologists to look beyond Western psychology and culture to incorporate the best of all psychologies and cultures.

Middle Tennessee State University
The American Psychologist should be applauded for its January 2000 special issue on happiness. This area is an avenue for research and scholarship that deserves increased attention. The research in this area, however, is also complicated by a unique problem that was not sufficiently addressed in the special issue.
The problem is that any definition of well-being, happiness, or the good life is intricately tied to values. Over 40 years ago, M. Brewster Smith ( 1959) concluded that it is not possible to create a value-free definition of psychological well-being. The basic problem is that although human beings may have certain biologically given emotional responses (Plutchik, 1984), it is the psychological interpretation of those physiological reactions that provides meaning (Schachter & Singer, 1962). Messages about how people should create meaning, a sense of reality. and a sense of self are socially given and iary over time, within societies, and among cul- Over 2,500 years ago, Aristotle defined the good life as eudaemonia. This is not simply fulfilling one's potentials or having what is desirable. Rather, it is· having and desiring that which one should desire. The explicit appeal to values was necessary to avoid that which is pleasurable or enjoyable but is ultimately destructive to the individual and the society. That is, for Aristotle, descriptions of the good are always teleological. They should point people toward those goals in life that are deemed the best, that illustrate the highest potential of the species, or that instill nobility and honor on the person. The problem for a psychological science of well-being is that scieoce must exclude values in the search for presumed universal and ahistorical laws of human behavior. ·-.........

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The dangers of eliminating the influence of values from theories of well-being can be illustrated with an example. Evidence indicates that officers at Nazi concentration camps would probably score quite high on current measures of happiness and satisfaction with life. That is, they thought highly of themselves, felt in control of their lives, enjoyed evening concerts of Mozart with their friends, and believed they were involved in an important cause that gave their life meaning and purpose. Of course, their well-being was only possible by systematically ignoring the humanity of those they mercilessly sentenced to death.
Therefore, the recent special issue presents a wonderful first attempt at exploring the potentials for research in positive psychology. However, the fact that conceptualizations of well-being are inexorably tied to values presents psychology with a fascinating challenge. This unavoidable issue will require a different approach to research, one that will most likely not be entirely empiri~l. Historical, hermeneutic, phenomenological, and other modes of inquiry must inevitably be added to the research mix if this research area is to remain both valid and relevant to real-life struggles toward happiness.  Norasakkunlcit, V. (1997). Individual and collective processes in the construction of the self: Self-enhancement in the United States and self-criticism in Japan. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 1245-1267. Plutchik, R. (1984 (January 2000) and the other authors in the January 2000 special issue of the American Psychologist should be applauded for opening a dialogue about a psychology of human health and well-being, one encompassing concepts such as hope, love, courage, optimism, faith, and flow. Seligman and Csiksz.entmihalyi asserted that "humanistic psychology did not attract much of an empirical ba.~ . . . and encouraged a self-centeredness that played down concerns for a collective well-being" (p. 7). In this comment, I outline an overarching theoretical framework for a positive psychology, supported by psychoanalytic, existential, humanistic, and transpersonal .theories. Jung, Frankl, Maslow, and Assagioli emphasized wholeness and wellness without encouraging narcissism, though admittedly with little empirical support. Each of these theorists implicitly or explicitly acknowledged two overlapping processes of growth: the emergence of personality and the alignment of that personality with a transcendent (spiritual) cent.er.
For Jung (1933), every patient over 35 years old "fell ill because he had lost that which the living religions of every age have given to their followers, and none of them has been really healed who did not regain his religious outlook'' (p. 229). He addressed narcissism when he stated, "man is never helped in his suffering by what he thinks for himself, but only by revelations of a wisdom greater than his own" (Jllllg, 1933, pp. 240-241). Jung acknowledged both processes of growth when he noted that it is in personality unfoldment (individuation) that a person develops a transcendent function that gives one the ability to move beyond the self-. centered ego.
Abraham Maslow ( 1970) defined selfactualizingpcrsons as being self-determined, self-organized, and self-directed. Their behavior is marked by a naturalness and spontaneity that is congruent with the "positive personality" of Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000, p. 8). Maslow ( 1971) noted two processes in his two types of self-actualizing people, nontran.~cenders and transcenders. Whereas nontranscenders are high achievers, transccnders an: more spiritual, more ego transcendent, and have a greater nwnber of