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    <title>Recent international_ops items</title>
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    <description>Recent eScholarship items from Occasional Paper Series</description>
    <pubDate>Sat, 1 Aug 2026 05:46:29 +0000</pubDate>
    <item>
      <title>The International Monetary Fund and the Global Spread of Privatization</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9p45s6kn</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Well over a trillion dollars worth of state-owned firms have been privatized by governments all around the world since 1980. Economists argue that privatization increases efficiency by placing decisions in the hands of markets rather than public officials. The IMF is sufficiently enamored of privatization that it has included for more than a decade stipulations about the sale of state-owned assets as condition for the receipt of its loans. The evidence that privatization directly increases efficiency, however, is not nearly so clear as most economists would have us believe.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
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      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Feb 2004 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Brune, Nancy Elizabeth</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Garrett, Geoffrey</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kogut, Bruce</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Electoral Systems and Real Prices: Panel Evidence for the OECD Countries, 1970-2000</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/56z1n1n5</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;The classic Stigler-Peltzman model, if extended to consider the effects of electoral systems, suggests (a) that majoritarian electoral systems should advantage consumers over producers and (b) that this effect will manifest itself in lower real prices.  In an earlier paper, Rogowski and Kayser (AJPS, July 2002) demonstrated that, controlling for all other factors standardly adduced in the extensive “Law of One Price” literature, and for country size, the strongest form of majoritarianism, single member districts (SMD), predicted a ten percent drop in the real 1990 prices of the average OECD country.  This cross-national effect survived a plethora of robustness checks and was not driven by any single case, including the United States.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;We now extend that empirical analysis to panel data for twenty-three OECD countries over the period 1970-2000, taking advantage also of the numerous changes in electoral systems during that period (France, Italy, Japan, New Zealand). In a...</description>
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      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Feb 2003 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Rogowski, Ronald</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Chang, Eric C. C.</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kayser, Mark Andreas</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Politics of WTO Dispute Settlement</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4t4952d7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;The institutionalization of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) of the World Trade Organization in 1995 has been widely hailed as a triumph of impartial law over national power. The authors argue that the reality of the power of the WTO's Appellate Body falls short of the legalistic model in three essential respects: complainant nations often refrain from bringing cases where the violator is likely to refuse to abide by a negative decision by the Appellate Body; the Appellate Body itself commonly bends  the rules of the WTO when confronting powerful defendants; and losing defendants often procrastinate beyond set time limits for compliance, entering into a post-DSU bargaining process with the complainant outside the mechanism of the World Trade Organizaton.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
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      <pubDate>Fri, 31 Jan 2003 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Garrett, Geoffrey</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Smith, James McCall</name>
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