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    <title>Recent japanesekoreanlinguistics items</title>
    <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/japanesekoreanlinguistics/rss</link>
    <description>Recent eScholarship items from Japanese/Korean Linguistics</description>
    <pubDate>Sun, 13 Sep 2026 05:28:13 +0000</pubDate>
    <item>
      <title>Children’s Acquisition of Negative-Sensitive Items in&amp;nbsp;Japanese: &lt;em&gt;hitotu-mo&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) even one’ and &lt;em&gt;nani-mo&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not)&amp;nbsp;anything’</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9w84f88j</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates Japanese-speaking children’s comprehension of the negative-sensitive items &lt;em&gt;hitotu-mo&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) even one’ and &lt;em&gt;nani-mo&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) anything,’ which are treated as negative concord items (Watanabe 2004). Previous studies have shown that children interpret &lt;em&gt;nani-mo&lt;/em&gt; correctly from an early age (Sano et al. 2009), but they may have difficulty with interpreting the additive particle &lt;em&gt;mo&lt;/em&gt; (Kurokami et al. 2021). We therefore examined whether children interpret the minimizer &lt;em&gt;hitotu-mo&lt;/em&gt; as adults do, or misinterpret it as the numeral &lt;em&gt;hitotu&lt;/em&gt; ‘one’ by ignoring &lt;em&gt;mo&lt;/em&gt;. We conducted the Truth Value Judgment Task with 14 Japanese-speaking children (4;4–6;9). The results show that four- to six-year-old children comprehend both &lt;em&gt;hitotu-mo&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;nani-mo&lt;/em&gt; in negative sentences in an adult-like manner.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
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      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kanazawa, Miho</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Yamakoshi, Kyoko</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Variation in the Place of Articulation of Korean Affricates Revisited</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9qj2414x</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study reexamines the place of articulation of Korean coronal affricates and its relationship to post-affricate yod-dropping. Drawing on historical phonology, loanword adaptation, acoustic production, and interlanguage perception, it argues that two restrictions coexist: a gradient, phonetically grounded constraint sensitive to perceptual contrast, and a generalized lexical ban on post-coronal /j/. Production data from Seoul, Toronto Heritage, Dandong, and Qingdao Korean show that northern Chinese Korean varieties have more anterior affricates, whereas Seoul and Toronto varieties generally exhibit more posterior realizations, with age- and gender-related variation. In a Japanese-to-Korean mapping task, speakers with anterior affricates more often represented posterior affricates using contrastive ⟨j⟩, while speakers with posterior affricates showed weaker differentiation. Loanword evidence likewise reveals greater tolerance of post-affricate ⟨j⟩ in varieties with anterior...</description>
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      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kang, Yoonjung</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4845-8470</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Han, Sungwoo</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kochetov, Alexei</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kong, Eun Jong</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sources of Variability in the ACC-marked External Possession in Korean</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8mb649zt</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper seeks to provide an answer to why there is so much disagreement on data instantiating the ACC-marked external possession construction (EPC) in Korean; when ACC-marked EP sentences in Korean are licensed; and why EP-encoding multiple-accusative sentences and non-EP-encoding multiple-accusative sentences have the same surface form even though the latter do not have a grammatical internal possession counterpart. By conducting a carefully-constructed grammaticality judgment task, I argue that speakers have variable acceptability judgments for the EPC because of its pragmatically marked nature; a uniform analysis of the construction is not possible but it can be classified into three subtypes depending on the semantics of the V and the Part-to-Whole Spread possibility in the sense of Dowty (2001); and in all grammatical cases, the possessor NP functions as what I call a Topic-Focus, and this explains why both EP-encoding and non-EP-encoding multiple-accusative sentences...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8mb649zt</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kim, Min-Joo</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2818-5134</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mixed Chains in Japanese Relative Clauses</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8hb973xd</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Japanese relative clauses exhibit apparent island violations. Previous analyses have attributed this pattern either to base-generated resumptive pronouns in the extraction site or to extraction of the head noun from a broad subject position. This paper presents new evidence from reconstruction effects challenging the broad subject analysis. Three diagnostics—anaphor binding, variable binding, and Condition C—show that reconstruction into the variable site inside the island is systematically unavailable, whereas reconstruction into an intermediate position below the highest subject but above the island is obligatory. I argue that these facts follow if island-insensitive relative clauses are derived by mixed chains, in which a relative operator is base-generated in the highest specifier of vP, binds a resumptive pronoun inside the island, and subsequently undergoes movement. The proposal provides new evidence that Japanese relativization obligatorily involves movement in the...</description>
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      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Hirasawa, Yuko</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Toward a Typology of the History of Loanword Prosody:&amp;nbsp;A Comparison of Sinosphere Languages</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8990k87w</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study proposes a framework for comparing the historical development of loanword prosody, focusing on loanwords from Middle Chinese in three Sinosphere languages: Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese. By examining the influence of the source language, its retention in contemporary forms, and the direction of historical change in irregular correspondences, this study reveals divergent prosodic trajectories. Although all three languages originally reflected Middle Chinese tonal categories, their historical developments differ significantly. Sino-Vietnamese words exhibit high retention of Middle Chinese tones with sporadic exceptions. Sino-Korean words maintain substantial source influence while reshaping irregular patterns through analogical change toward a dominant accentual pattern. In contrast, Sino-Japanese words show a structural departure from Middle Chinese tonal categories, developing a novel accentuation system based on mora count in the Modern period. Finally, this...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8990k87w</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Obata, Kouki</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Adjectival Modification in Western Old Japanese:&amp;nbsp;A Synchronic Analysis</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/82r7s15z</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Western Old Japanese is notable for the formal diversity of its adjectival modification constructions. While past literature has identified the extent of this diversity, there is a paucity of research uncovering its underlying mechanisms. This study aims to address this research gap using a corpus-driven methodology with data from the &lt;em&gt;Oxford-NINJAL Corpus of Old Japanese&lt;/em&gt;. It finds that the formally diverse adjectival modification constructions of Western Old Japanese can be placed into two groups based on how they exhibit parallels in their structural (i.e., morphosyntactic) and functional (i.e., semanticopragmatic) properties. This finding has potential implications for comparative research concerning the Japonic relatives of Western Old Japanese.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/82r7s15z</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Giang, William</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On the Locality Condition for Korean Subject Honorific Suppletion</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/79w8z08s</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper argues that Korean suppletive subject honorification is licensed by adjacency between a verbal root and AgrS[+hon] within a single complex head. The proposal addresses an apparent counterexample from auxiliary verb constructions, where suppletive honorification appears on the lexical verb while the regular honorific suffix &lt;em&gt;-&lt;/em&gt;(&lt;em&gt;u&lt;/em&gt;)&lt;em&gt;si&lt;/em&gt; surfaces after the auxiliary. Building on Generalized Reduplication (Arregi and Pietraszko 2021a,b), I propose that AgrS is base-generated adjacent to the lexical root, thereby licensing suppletion, and is subsequently displaced postsyntactically to satisfy a Korean morphotactic constraint requiring AgrS to follow all roots in the complex head. This analysis derives the auxiliary pattern without abandoning an adjacency-based locality condition. It also preserves the contrast with passive and causative constructions, in which intervening verbal morphology blocks suppletion. The resulting account unifies the distribution...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/79w8z08s</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Shim, Jaehong</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0002-5859-1934</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Comparative Nominalization and Beyond in Japano-Koreanic</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/78t394zz</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper proposes that nominalization structures in early Japanese and Korean display syntagmatic parallels in three important inflections and/or suffixes: a base adnominal inflection *-r (and its agentively-marked variant *-or), a resultative infinitival and substantivizing inflection *-a, and a nominal suffix *ku expressing circumstances that I label ‘absolute’. I show that two of these nominalizations in Proto-Japanese, the fossilized nominal [ADN+*a] and the ku-nominal [ADN+*a+*ku], match part-for-part the construction of complex sequential nominalizations in Proto-Korean, and proposes Proto-Japano-Koreanic reconstructions for these patterns and their constituent elements. In so doing, this paper refutes the strong claim by Vovin that Japanese and Korean share “no common paradigmatic morphology,” and concludes with providing a framework for understanding how morphological mismatches between the two languages might shed light on grammatical changes in their proto-languages.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/78t394zz</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Francis-Ratte, Alexander Takenobu</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Resolving the Four-Way Ambiguity in Korean &lt;em&gt;What-so&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;Constructions</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7665k048</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study investigates how Korean what-so (mwue-l kulehkey ‘what-ACC so’) constructions are disambiguated through prosodic and morphosyntactic cues. Previous studies have shown that these constructions permit three non-canonical interpretations (why-question, wh-exclamative, rhetorical question), in addition to the canonical what-question interpretation. Based on an analysis of naturally occurring speech, we demonstrate that cues to these interpretations are found in both morphosyntax and prosody. Morphosyntactically, topic-marked subjects are incompatible with rhetorical question interpretations, while the presence of an additional accusative-marked object favors wh-exclamatives and why-question readings. Prosodically, wh-question interpretations (what- and why-questions) are associated with rising Intonational Phrase (IP) boundary tones, whereas non-wh-question interpretations (wh-exclamatives and rhetorical questions) exhibit falling IP boundary tones. Overall, these findings...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7665k048</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Lee, Geonhee</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0003-8563-2145</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Contrastive &lt;em&gt;Wa&lt;/em&gt; Operates on Outlooks</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71p535bx</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper proposes an analysis of Japanese contrastive &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt; as a part-time outlook marker. Like genuine outlook markers such as &lt;em&gt;nanka&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;kurai&lt;/em&gt;, contrastive &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt; requires a salient contrasting proposition, exhibits perspective shift under attitude predicates, and can signal conflicts between subjective stances. Unlike those particles, however, &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt; is not restricted to subjective judgments and can occur in factual environments. To capture this combination of similarities and differences, we formulate an analysis in a model of discourse that integrates Farkas and Bruce’s Table model with Coppock’s outlook-based semantics. We analyze contrastive &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt; as a discourse-level, focus-sensitive downtoner that replaces a stronger pending proposal on the Table with a weaker prejacent. When the prejacent is a discretionary proposition, focus-induced contrast yields stance-related effects resembling those of genuine outlook markers. The analysis...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71p535bx</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kubota, Yusuke</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Ido, Misato</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Evaluativity, Frustrativity, and Practicality in&amp;nbsp;Conditionals: The Case of &lt;em&gt;tewa&lt;/em&gt;</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71c9b31f</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates conventionalized evaluative meaning (i.e., encoding speaker (un)desirability)&amp;nbsp;in conditional expressions through a case study of Japanese conditional expression &lt;em&gt;tewa&lt;/em&gt;. Although evaluative meaning in conditionals has received some attention in descriptive work, it has not been accounted for in the formal literature. This paper fills that gap by providing one of the first formal accounts of the evaluative inference associated with &lt;em&gt;tewa&lt;/em&gt;. I present novel evidence that, besides undesirability, &lt;em&gt;tewa&lt;/em&gt; also conveys a frustrative meaning related to unexpectedness. Moreover, I show that &lt;em&gt;tewa&lt;/em&gt;-conditionals, like expressives, are sensitive to the distinction between descriptive and practical contexts; yet differ from expressives in being truth-evaluable. Given these two generalizations, I propose that both the undesirability and frustrative uses of &lt;em&gt;tewa&lt;/em&gt; are subject to what I term a weak practicality requirement, and...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71c9b31f</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Yuan, Xuetong</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Resultative Constructions with Intransitive Verbs in Korean</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/67r0z3j0</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates resultative constructions with intransitive verbs in Korean. It presents novel empirical evidence that unergative and unaccusative resultatives differ in the distribution of result predicates, as shown by their divergent behavior with respect to fronting, right dislocation, and omission. This paper argues that both unergative and unaccusative resultatives involve a small clause as the result clause, yet are best analyzed as having distinct internal structures. The asymmetry is attributed to the presence or absence of a null subject in the small clause: unergative resultatives contain an overt subject, whereas unaccusative resultatives contain a null subject. This study refines the typology of Korean small clauses by providing novel empirical evidence from intransitive resultatives and, on the theoretical side, lends support to cyclic Spell-out and the linearization of small clauses.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/67r0z3j0</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Cho, Youngdong</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0006-5410-1466</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Phonological and Familiarity Effects on Adjective&amp;nbsp;Truncation in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5xn7w8rc</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates adjective truncation in Japanese and identifies three classes of adjectives that systematically resist truncation: adjectives ending in /ii/, adjectives with monomoraic roots, and unfamiliar adjectives. While previous work has attributed the resistance of certain adjectives to semantic factors, I argue that the observed patterns are primarily governed by phonological structure and lexical familiarity. Building on the analysis of internal expressive sentences, I propose that adjective truncation is motivated by the resolution of vowel hiatus and can be accounted for within Optimality Theory using independently motivated constraints. Specifically, truncation is driven by the interaction of ONSET, output-to-output faithfulness constraints, prosodic constraints such as FT-BIN and GRWD=PRWD, and lexically indexed faithfulness constraints. A pilot acceptability study provides preliminary support for the proposed generalizations. The analysis demonstrates that...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5xn7w8rc</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Harada, Masashi</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0005-4533-1705</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Table of Contents</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5x95g14x</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Japanese/Korean Linguistics Volume 32&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5x95g14x</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Cho, Youngdong</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kim, Young-Hoon</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0008-1506-5719</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Whitman, John</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Comparison-based Analysis of -&lt;em&gt;ki&lt;/em&gt; Directive in Korean</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5pv3p6mh</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates the sentence-final -&lt;em&gt;ki&lt;/em&gt; in Korean, focusing on its distribution and interpretation in the root context. Although -&lt;em&gt;ki&lt;/em&gt; has been standardly treated as a nominalizer, its distribution in both embedded and root clauses calls for a deeper analysis beyond its role as a nominalizer. In embedded contexts, it is licensed only under verbs of priority meanings, and in root contexts, it has directive readings. Based on this observation, I argue that when -&lt;em&gt;ki&lt;/em&gt; appears in clausal environments, it functions not merely as a nominalizer but also as a mood marker, encoding comparison-based modal meaning&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5pv3p6mh</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Choi, Mingyeong</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On the Argumenthood of Quotes in Japanese: A Study of Argument Doubling</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5748h98h</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper aims to deepen our understanding of constructions with a quote followed by an accusative object in Japanese. We propose to argue that the structural configuration of such constructions is analogous to argument doubling in the sense of Saito (2017, 2024). In constructions with argument doubling, two accusative objects are construed as arguments of a single predicate and assumed to receive the same theta-role. It will be shown that syntactic and semantic properties exhibited by constructions with a quote and an accusative object are naturally explained by identifying them as argument doubling. We also explore the implications of our analysis, suggesting that the unavailability of their English counterparts stems from the fundamental differences between Japanese and English—that is, the presence or absence of phi-feature agreement and weak heads comparable to overt case-markers.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5748h98h</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Moritake, Nozomi</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Miyamoto, Yoichi</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Investigating &lt;em&gt;Wh&lt;/em&gt;-island Effects in Tokyo Japanese: A Replication Study</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4jx1q1j7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Minamida (2026) shows that Osaka Japanese exhibits robust &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-island effects based on two experiments: a traditional auditory comprehension experiment with methodological refinements (Experiment 1) and a novel acceptability judgment experiment using interrogative sentence endings (Experiment 2). This study replicates that study for Tokyo Japanese to examine whether &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-island effects arise in this variety and to test the applicability of the methodology across varieties. Experiment 1 does not provide clear evidence for either the presence or absence of&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-island effects in Tokyo Japanese. In contrast, Experiment 2 provides clear evidence for &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-island effects. Given that auditory stimuli require more careful construction than written stimuli because they must reflect the prosodic properties of the language under investigation, the results of Experiment 2 support the conclusion that Tokyo Japanese exhibits &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-island sensitivity....</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4jx1q1j7</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Minamida, Hitomi</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0003-4051-820X</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Prosodic and Morphosyntactic Factors in Korean Relative Clause Attachment</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4gw4c2v2</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Relative clause attachment can be shaped by prosodic and morphosyntactic cues, but how these sources of information interact remains unclear. Korean provides an informative test case because constituent length can influence prosodic grouping, while honorific agreement can grammatically favor attachment to a particular noun phrase. This study examined their interaction by manipulating constituent length and honorific marking in Korean relative clause attachment. The results revealed a strong preference for high attachment and a robust effect of honorific agreement. A length-based prosodic effect emerged only when honorific marking was absent, indicating that length influences attachment when grammatical guidance is weak but does not override morphosyntactic licensing. These findings suggest that prosodic length functions as a secondary, context-dependent cue in sentence comprehension.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4gw4c2v2</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Lee, So Young</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0457-3167</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sluicing-COMP Generalization and Two Types of &amp;nbsp;Coordinated Sluicing in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/41q4b7vq</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates Coordinated Wh-Questions (CWQs) in Japanese, in which wh-phrases with distinct grammatical roles or syntactic categories are conjoined. Since such elements cannot be base-generated in a single position, CWQs raise the question of what is coordinated. Boskovic (2024) argues that a wh-indeterminate system is a prerequisite for wh-coordination, predicting that Japanese should allow it; existing accounts, however, derive Japanese CWQs from coordination of larger constituents such as CPs or vPs (Ishii 2014, Kasai 2016). I argue instead that Japanese CWQs involve genuine wh-coordination in a monoclausal structure. I further show that Japanese sluicing deletes the lowest complementizer Fin while retaining the Force head ka, indicating that Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-COMP generalization targets the lowest complementizer. Coordinated Sluicing accordingly divides into two subtypes: monoclausal wh-coordination when the first conjunct lacks&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;ka&lt;/em&gt;, and...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/41q4b7vq</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Maeda, Masako</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Licensing VP Ellipsis in Japanese from a Viewpoint of&amp;nbsp;Distributed Morphology</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3fm5f5nn</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper argues that ellipsis is licensed morphologically as well as syntactically. It focuses on native Japanese verbs related to the main verb su ‘do’ (√DO), including its potential and honorific suppletive forms. Unlike other native Japanese verbs, these verbs permit an adjunct-inclusive interpretation under ellipsis. To account for this asymmetry, I propose that ellipsis is licensed if and only if the licensing head is not adjacent to a phonologically overt Root, assuming that √DO in Japanese lacks a phonological exponent. This condition restricts VP ellipsis involving native Japanese verbs to those derived from √DO. It also correctly licenses particle-attached VP ellipsis and Sino-Japanese VP ellipsis and explains why English permits vP ellipsis rather than VP ellipsis. Furthermore, the analysis supports a PF-deletion approach to ellipsis over a no-insertion analysis.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3fm5f5nn</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kasai, Gen</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Revisiting the Two Types of Mermaid Constructions in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3f22h8wb</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper re-examines the syntactic properties of Japanese non-coreferential sentence-final Noun-Copula constructions (Mermaid Constructions, MMCs). I first revisit previous analyses of Japanese MMCs by reconsidering the structural position of the nominative subject. Furthermore, I argue for a non-unified analysis of Japanese MMCs by presenting asymmetries regarding the presence/absence of syntactic island effects (examined by long-distance scrambling and PP topicalization) and the (im)possibility of gap-filler dependencies. To account for these asymmetries, I argue that Japanese MMCs involve two syntactically distinct types: one with the MMC Noun (i.e., the ‘Noun’ slot in non-coreferential sentence-final Noun-Copula constructions) functioning as an N head and the other with the MMC Noun functioning as a C head. The proposed non-unified analysis also accounts for the asymmetry concerning the (im)possibility of Nominative/Genitive Conversion in Japanese MMCs.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3f22h8wb</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Zhang, Yupei</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0002-2060-5376</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Convergence of Linguistics and Computer Science</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/39w505mk</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper outlines a brief history of the evolving relationship between linguistics and computer science, ranging from the famous 1956 MIT symposium on information theory to contemporary debates over the relevance of language models for the study of the human language faculty. As a case in point, we consider the phenomenon of negative concord in children’s acquisition of negation in both English and (to a lesser extent) Korean. &amp;nbsp;Drawing on insights from both cognitive and computational approaches, we exemplify how an interactive line of inquiry may contribute to advances in the field of linguistics.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/39w505mk</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>O'Grady, William</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Zhang, Haopeng</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Lee, Miseon</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Four or Six Types of Pitch Accent in Japonic Varieties: A General Linguistic Perspective</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3557n5d3</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Japonic varieties exhibit considerable diversity in their pitch accents, defined here as the tones associated with lexically specified accent positions. However, this diversity has rarely been analyzed within a cross-linguistically comparable framework. This study recasts Japonic pitch-accent systems in Autosegmental-Metrical terms. It shows that the four alignment-defined bitonal pitch accents—L+H*, L*+H, H*+L, and H+L*—correspond closely to the four accent-kernel types developed independently within Japanese linguistics, and that Japonic also attests monotonal pitch accents, H* and L*. Since modern Japonic varieties generally permit only one pitch-accent type within a given system, these types do not contrast paradigmatically and need not be underlyingly specified. Instead, cross-variety differences are analyzed as differences in tone-assignment rules, parameterized by the identity of the starred tone and the presence or absence of default leading and trailing tones. This...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3557n5d3</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Igarashi, Yosuke</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Acknowledgments</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2wz6s0hb</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Volume 32&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2wz6s0hb</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Cho, Youngdong</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kim, Young-Hoon</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0008-1506-5719</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Whitman, John</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Unified Analysis of the Korean Mood Markers as&amp;nbsp;Context Updating Operators</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2k74c7kn</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper provides a unified semantic and pragmatic analysis of the sentence mood in Korean in terms of the various updates to the common ground in structured DRT. All clauses have the uniform discourse effect of steering the common ground to a preferred subset of the possible worlds with different levels of authority.&amp;nbsp;In addition, honorifics were given a novel analysis in terms of the speaker&amp;nbsp;authority for her preferences and conversational negotiations. The proposed theory offered a new&amp;nbsp;perspective to utterance force and social meaning as well as a concrete tool to analyze them.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2k74c7kn</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Lee, EunHee</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6408-9070</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Is Korean Sign Language (KSL) Place Name Initial Morpheme Skipping Triggered by Semantics or Phonology?</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2546q3qd</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;An investigation of 106 Gwangju Korean Sign Language (KSL) toponyms by Ji (2022) describes most names as bimorphemic compounds indexed to the source Korean names, thus loan translations. Roughly a quarter of the KSL names simply represent the initial source morpheme semantics; however, four names represent only the second source morpheme semantics, apparently flouting a constraint for monomorphemic outputs that requires indexing the initial source morpheme semantics. At JK31, two hypotheses were proposed to explain preference for the second morpheme in the KSL toponym: 1) the greater semantic salience of the second source morpheme makes it favored over the initial source morpheme; and 2) an easily assimilated KSL Hangul character sign initialization indexing the initial source morpheme satisfies a general constraint supporting indexing any feature of the initial source morpheme, thus allowing the second morpheme to appear alone while preventing ambiguity. This work examines...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2546q3qd</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>George, Johnny</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On the dual status of the &lt;em&gt;e&lt;/em&gt;-ending in Old Japanese verbal morphology</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2068m4d3</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;The Japanese language, throughout its attested history, has a good number of transitive-intransitive verb ‘pairs’. In Old Japanese, the &lt;em&gt;e-&lt;/em&gt;endings participate in transitivity alternations, but they apparently exhibit two opposite functions in different verb forms, namely transitivizing and detransitivizing. This paper provides a novel Distributed Morphology-based account of the Old Japanese facts, arguing that the &lt;em&gt;e-&lt;/em&gt;endings have an asymmetrical dual status at this&amp;nbsp;stage of the language. While some &lt;em&gt;e-&lt;/em&gt;endings involve a v head &lt;em&gt;-y-&lt;/em&gt;, which may be&amp;nbsp;directly suffixed to the root, other &lt;em&gt;e-&lt;/em&gt;endings manifest a separate suffix &lt;em&gt;-e-&lt;/em&gt; which&amp;nbsp;is located higher in the verbal domain. The v head &lt;em&gt;-y-&lt;/em&gt; is an intransitivizer which invariably derives intransitive verbs, whereas the higher head &lt;em&gt;-e-&lt;/em&gt; is in fact an inner-aspectual element underspecified regarding transitivity, whose real function is to license change of...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2068m4d3</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Chen, Qiushi</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0003-5955-7399</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Can a Transformer Model Learn Sublexical Groups in Korean Like Us?</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1mq8t6ht</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study examined whether the selectivity of Korean L-Tensification (LT) extends to nonce words. LT applies only to a subset of eligible words, and this selective application has conventionally been attributed to Sino-Korean (SK) etymology. As an alternative, this study tested whether phonotactic patterns condition LT application. Forty-three speakers and a transformer model trained only on phonemic input-output pairs were tested on the same 144 nonce words, constructed to reflect SK, non-SK, or neutral phonotactics. LT application was quantified using acoustic measures for speakers and confidence scores for the transformer model. Both speakers and the model applied LT selectively. For speakers, non-SK phonotactics suppressed LT in plosive targets, whereas SK phonotactics promoted LT in affricate targets under specific structural conditions. However, the transformer diverged from the speakers, with both phonotactic manipulations lowering LT confidence. These results support...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1mq8t6ht</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Nam, Stanley</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7081-8711</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Acquisition of Scope-marking Strategies in Complex Japanese &lt;em&gt;Wh&lt;/em&gt;-questions by English-speaking Second Language Learners of Japanese&amp;nbsp;</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0xb4t9pz</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;The current study focuses on the second language (L2) acquisition of bi-clausal &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-questions in Japanese by English-speaking learners. While the scope of bi-clausal &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-questions is determined by the position of the &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-phrase in English, in Japanese it is determined by the type of morphosyntactic marker (Complementizer -&lt;em&gt;to&lt;/em&gt; vs. Question-marking particle -&lt;em&gt;ka&lt;/em&gt;). Considering these crosslinguistic differences between the two languages, we examined how L2 learners acquire the &lt;em&gt;wh&lt;/em&gt;-scope-marking strategy in Japanese, adapting the design of previous studies (Lieberman et al. 2006; Umeda 2008). Our results indicate that mastering the interpretive difference between the two morphosyntactic markers is challenging for many English-speaking learners, although a subset of learners was successful. As we did not observe any L1 transfer effects, we speculate that the challenges of mastering the property may come from other factors such as complexity...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0xb4t9pz</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Nobuki, Ayumi</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Gabriele, Alison</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Semantic Specification of Expressive Small Clauses in&amp;nbsp;Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0nj113m1</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper develops a semantic analysis of Japanese expressive small clauses (ESCs)—phrases comparable to English &lt;em&gt;You fool!—&lt;/em&gt;within Portner et al.’s (2019) participant-structure framework. We analyze ESCs and the nominal particle &lt;em&gt;-me&lt;/em&gt; as conventional-implicature operators that update the hierarchical ranking of individuals. An ESC assigns its referent the lowest rank, whereas&lt;em&gt; -me&lt;/em&gt; requires only that at least one individual outrank its referent. This entailment relation explains why &lt;em&gt;-me&lt;/em&gt; contributes no distinct status-related content within an ESC but remains meaningful in clausal environments. The analysis also unifies the derogatory third-person and humble first-person uses of &lt;em&gt;-me&lt;/em&gt;. We further analyze the honorific suffix &lt;em&gt;-sama&lt;/em&gt; as an upward operator that assigns its referent the highest rank. This captures both deferential uses such as &lt;em&gt;Tanaka-sama&lt;/em&gt; and self-aggrandizing uses such as &lt;em&gt;ore-sama&lt;/em&gt;, while allowing...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0nj113m1</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Izumi, Yu</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Definiteness and Humanness in the Realization of Korean Plural Marker &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt;: An Experimental Study</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0n08n843</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;The Korean plural marker &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt; is often described as optional, but its distribution is sensitive to definiteness and humanness. Accounts differ on how these factors interact: some argue that definiteness makes &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt; obligatory regardless of humanness (Kang 1994; Kim 2005), while others report that non-human definites with plural reference do not always require &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt; (Park 2020; Choi, Yoon, &amp;amp; Dayal 2026). To investigate these factors, we conducted an elicited production task and a sentence pair judgment task with native Korean speakers. In production, speakers used &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt; more frequently with [+Human] than [-Human] nouns in definite plural contexts. In judgment, &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt;-marked nouns were preferred over unmarked nouns for plural referents, particularly in definite contexts, with this preference further modulated by humanness. These findings suggest that definiteness and humanness jointly influence &lt;em&gt;tul&lt;/em&gt;-marking in a gradient rather than...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0n08n843</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Lee, Chae Eun</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Yoon, James Hye Suk</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>An Alternative Account of the Japanese-Ryukyuan Split Tonal Correspondences</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/03b5k43k</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;The tonal correspondences between Japanese and Ryukyuan show a systematic split in which a single Middle Japanese tonal class corresponds to more than one Proto-Ryukyuan class. This pattern is crucial for reconstructing the Proto-Japonic tonal system, because it has generally been taken to imply tonal contrasts not preserved in Japanese. In contrast, the present account attributes the split to a conditioned rightward accent shift in pre-Proto-Ryukyuan. The shift merged Middle Japanese Classes 2.4–2.5 with Class 2.3 but was blocked by two factors: a word-final high vowel and the retention of an original word-internal morpheme boundary. Evidence for the latter comes from rare non-final e₁ and o₁ in Old Japanese, apparent violations of Arisaka’s Law, unexpected heavy initial syllables in modern Japanese varieties, and etymological reconstruction. The analysis accounts for most correspondences without reconstructing additional tonal classes in Proto-Japonic and highlights the role...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/03b5k43k</guid>
      <pubDate>Mon, 3 Aug 2026 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Igarashi, Yosuke</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Information Structure and Bare Nominals in Colloquial Japanese&amp;nbsp;</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9g78974v</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;In formal Japanese, an argument nominal must be accompanied by a particle (&lt;em&gt;ga&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt;, etc.). In colloquial Japanese, on the other hand, an argument nominal may be bare, or ZERO-marked. While in many cases ZERO may alternate with (i) nominative-marking &lt;em&gt;ga&lt;/em&gt; or accusative marking &lt;em&gt;o&lt;/em&gt;, or (ii) the information-structural particle &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt;, under certain configurations ZERO is preferred to &lt;em&gt;ga&lt;/em&gt;/&lt;em&gt;o&lt;/em&gt; or &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt;, and vice versa. This work discusses information-structural conditions licensing and motivating &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt;- and ZERO-marking on argument nominals in colloquial Japanese. Additionally, it makes a proposal as to how &lt;em&gt;wa&lt;/em&gt;-marking on adjuncts is regulated in both colloquial and formal registers.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9g78974v</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Oshima, David Yoshikazu</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2788-8866</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>‘I’m Rich, You Know?’: Self-Praise as Performance and&amp;nbsp;the Role of First Person Singular Forms in Japanese Conversation</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98m2w5gm</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study investigates the pivotal role of Japanese first-person singular (1SG) forms in self-praise episodes, utilizing an extensive analysis of over 50 hours of conversational data. The findings reveal a strikingly higher frequency of 1SG forms—44%, or 66 out of 150 self-praise episodes—contradicting the prevailing belief that these forms rarely occur in Japanese conversation. A detailed examination of these instances reveals that most do not semantically necessitate 1SG forms; they are divided equally into "emotive" and "frame-setting" categories. Emotive expressions often carry humor and are typically accompanied by laughter, while frame-setting functions as a crucial floor-holding device, signaling a transition to a more formal speech level. This study underscores the vital significance of 1SG forms in the construction of identity and social performance, illustrating their essential role in managing self-presentation and evaluation during interpersonal interactions.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98m2w5gm</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Sadler, Misumi</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Korean System of Reflexives: Experimental Evidence in Comprehension and Production</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/95r1k8p6</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Previous literature agrees (J. M. Yoon 1989, Kang 1998) that Korean native speakers differentiate three reflexive forms (caki, casin, caki-casin) via their binding distance preference. However, most previous empirical research has been conducted via comprehension/corpus-based methods; there is a lack of elicited oral production controlling for speaker consistency, making it difficult to fully understand the treatment of Korean reflexives by native speakers. &amp;nbsp;&lt;br&gt;&amp;nbsp;The current study investigated the treatment of Korean reflexives in comprehension and production. For local binding, caki-casin was uniformly preferred. For long-distance binding, however, comprehension and production diverged. In comprehension, speakers preferred caki, but caki-casin was produced most, despite being dispreferred in comprehension (p &amp;lt; 0.001). This misalignment can be considered evidence of caki-casin becoming a preferentially local reflexive licensed as a logophor in long-distance contexts,...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/95r1k8p6</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Silvera, Isela</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The&lt;em&gt; I-Ochi&lt;/em&gt; Construction in Japanese, Event Evidentiality,&amp;nbsp;and Utterance Phrase</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8w73n0rr</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;In this paper, we present a new analysis of the &lt;em&gt;i-ochi&lt;/em&gt; construction in colloquial/informal Japanese. We demonstrate that our analysis solves several empirical puzzles with Konno's (2012, 2017) root small clause analysis. We also show that this analysis brings about several theoretical implications for other areas of Japanese grammar, including the nature and mode of structural case marking in Standard Japanese. Finally, we present novel data showing that the so-called &lt;em&gt;saa&lt;/em&gt;-exclamative construction in Hichiku Dialect exhibits structural and functional similarities with the &lt;em&gt;i-ochi &lt;/em&gt;construction and argue that our analysis developed for the latter can be directly transported to the latter.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8w73n0rr</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Hayashi, Nagisa</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Nakayama, Riko</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Sato, Yosuke</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>From Short Time to Conditionals: The Semantics of Korean Adverb &lt;em&gt;iltan&lt;/em&gt; (⼀旦)</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8sb161d6</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study examines the semantic evolution of the Korean adverb &lt;em&gt;iltan&lt;/em&gt;, which originally denoted a short duration and later developed into a conditional marker. Initially expressing brief temporal span, &lt;em&gt;iltan&lt;/em&gt; came to indicate temporal priority among alternative actions and eventually grammaticalized into a marker of sufficient condition—signaling that once event A occurs, event B follows. The semantic shift is argued to result from the interplay of speaker intention, perceived temporal proximity, and event prioritization. A comparison with the Chinese cognate &lt;em&gt;yidan&lt;/em&gt; highlights how these forms diverged cross-linguistically. This synchronic study provides a basis for future diachronic and typological research on grammaticalization in East Asian languages.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8sb161d6</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Park, Goeun</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Hou, Bowen</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Analysis of Korean Dialect Obstruents in a Large Corpus Using Speech Recognition Technology</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8s67h3rh</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study explores obstruent characteristics in Korean dialects, particularly distinctions between lax, tense, and aspirated sounds, using phone-level speech recognition on a 2,200-hour corpus. Using the AI-Hub senior dialect speech dataset, we analyzed Gyeongsang (1,203 hours) and Jeolla (1,015 hours) dialects. A G2P model and wav2vec 2.0 XLS-R speech recognition model compared canonical with actual phone sequences.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Gyeongsang dialect showed lax-tense confusion and lax-to-aspirated changes, while Jeolla dialect exhibited aspirated-to-lax changes. The lax-tense merger in Gyeongsang extends beyond previous /s/-/s*/ merger findings to general obstruents. Obstruent deletion in onset and coda positions in Gyeongsang represents a previously unreported phenomenon. The study demonstrates the effectiveness of large speech corpora for dialectal analysis, confirming known patterns while revealing new obstruent variations. Future research should examine how deletions vary by word...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8s67h3rh</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Lee, Jooyoung</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kim, Sunhee</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Chung, Minhwa</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Mono-Clausal Analysis of Afterthought Right Dislocation in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8r13w0wf</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study investigates specificational afterthought right dislocation (ARD) in Japanese, where a sentence-final constituent (appendix) clarifies a pronoun-like element (correlate) within the main clause. Unlike prior biclausal or antisymmetric accounts, this paper proposes a mono-clausal, head-final structure incorporating topic and focus movement within a cartographic framework. The analysis explains the observed properties of ARD—such as island sensitivity, anaphor binding, and case/particle matching—by positing that the correlate and appendix form a base DP, with the appendix undergoing movement to the right periphery. Crucially, the study accounts for the fixed ordering of multiple sentence-final discourse particles (e.g., wa &amp;gt; yo &amp;gt; ne) by aligning them with distinct syntactic projections. This approach resolves issues faced by previous models and provides a unified derivation for both simple and particle-rich ARD constructions, reinforcing a head-final structure...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8r13w0wf</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Yoshimoto, Keisuke</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On the Subject Orientation of Adverbs in Passives</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/849970ng</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper examines the nature of passive sensitivity, focusing primarily on Japanese MA adverbs. We have aimed to test Kubota’s (2015) claim that MA adverbs in Japanese can adjoin at either a high or low position in the structure, yielding both SS and DS interpretations in passives. Using pseudoclefts, we examined whether each reading can be obtained while controlling for the adverb’s adjunction site. Our results provide empirical support for Kubota’s (2015) proposal.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/849970ng</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>MIURA, KAORI</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>FUJII, TOMOHIRO</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Three Types of Near-Synonymy and Rare Collocations: Selected Results from a Cognitive, Corpus-Based Study of Nominal Lexical Substitution in Korean, Japanese, and English Idioms</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7vk2f9k7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study explores one facet of idiomatic creativity: lexical substitution, focusing on substitution for nouns in Korean, Japanese, and English idioms. Analyzing 15 idioms per language, we identify patterns in how speakers creatively replace nouns in the canonical idioms, revealing cognitive and linguistic strategies for idiom manipulation. These strategies serve communicative goals such as frame role assignment, reducing the burden of referentiality, and contextual relevance. We highlight two key findings: (1) three distinct patterns of synonymy based on the replaced noun’s literal, figurative, or extended meaning, and (2) the emergence of rare collocations which are nevertheless immediately interpretable - a phenomenon which we argue stems from the complex referential demands of idiomatic expressions.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7vk2f9k7</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Benom, Carey</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Oh, Young-Min</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Light Verb Complement Deletion in Japanese and Phase&amp;nbsp;Complement Ellipsis</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7v12h5t7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper argues that Japanese owns VP ellipsis observed in British English (do complement ellipsis, Light verb complement deletion) in terms of apparent VP ellipsis (VP ellipsis with a particle) and Sino-Japanese VP ellipsis. Apparent VP ellipsis cannnot be captured by vP ellipsis in English (Fujii 2016, Funakoshi 2020) and argument ellipsis (Sakamoto 2021), considering extraction, nominal property of VP with a particle, and selection. Light verb complement deletion approach is proposed to reconcile these issues. In addition, the current analisis is shown to be extended to Sino-Japanese VP ellipsis (Hayashi 2015). This extension explains its extraction possibilities, which is mysterious in vP ellipsis approach in Hayashi (2015). Finally, Phase Complement Condition, which stipulates only the phase head complement undergoes LF copy, while&amp;nbsp;the others are deleted by PF-Deletion, is pointed out to correctly describe patterns of extraction from ellipsis such as vP ellipsis,...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7v12h5t7</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kasai, Gen</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Phonological Analysis of Left Branch Extraction in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7pb958zz</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Boskovic (2005) lays out five prerequisites for Left Branch Extraction (LBE): (i) scrambling; (ii) the absence of DP; (iii) NP-over-AP structure; (iv) the left-edge condition; and (v) agreement (see also Boskovic 2008, 2012, 2013). Japanese seems to satisfy the prerequisites (i)-(iv), but not (v) agreement. If agreement is a strict requirement for LBE, languages that lack φ-agreement, such as Japanese, are expected to disallow LBE. However, if agreement is merely a preferred or default option for LBE, it is plausible that languages without agreement may employ an alternative strategy to make LBE possible. We argue that Japanese, which lacks φ-agreement, actually employs an alternative strategy based on prosody to facilitate LBE. Specifically, we argue that the low acceptability of LBE in Japanese results from a phonological restriction on the relevant movement, showing that the phonological restriction can be alleviated or overridden by prosodic factors related to focus and...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7pb958zz</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Maeda, Masako</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Oda, Hiromune</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Miyamoto, Yoichi</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>From Spec to Head: A Theory of ‘Predicativization’</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7c1809z3</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper advances a theory of ‘Predicativization’ whereby a negatively intensifying adverb such as &lt;em&gt;sappari&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) at all’ in SpecNegP becomes reanalyzed as the Neg head, which then undergoes a categorial shift from Neg to A. I argue that the derived, X&lt;sup&gt;0&lt;/sup&gt; status of the adjectival predicate in question finds support in the unavailability of the predicative use of &lt;em&gt;zenzen&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) at all’ in the positively intensifying sense and that of &lt;em&gt;sukosimo&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) a bit’. The proposed Spec-to-Head reanalysis naturally extends itself to aspectual adverbs. In fact, the presence of predicative &lt;em&gt;mada&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) yet’ on the one hand and the absence of predicative &lt;em&gt;moo&lt;/em&gt; ‘(not) any longer’ on the other lends empirical support to the syntactic nature of Predicativization. Predicativization, as understood here, aligns in spirit with syntactic analyses of lexicalization (Hale &amp;amp; Keyser 1993, 2002, Marantz 1997, among others) and is considered a case...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7c1809z3</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Hirose, Tomio</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Undirected/Directed-Utterance Sequences in Japanese,&amp;nbsp;Korean, and English: A Contrastive Analysis</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7bp5v429</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study explores morphosyntactic variations in monologic speech across Japanese, Korean, and English, with particular focus on shifts from monologic to other-directed utterances. From typological and grammatical perspectives, Japanese and Korean are generally considered to be more analogous to each other than to English. Nevertheless, Japanese exhibits a notable contrast with both Korean and English in employing prepatterned or prefabricated expressions in monologic speech, which are distinct from those employed in corresponding interactional contexts. This divergence aligns with another cross-linguistic pattern: in utterances expressing self-blame or self-encouragement, Japanese generally disallows second-person pronouns to refer to the monologic speaker, whereas both Korean and English readily permit such self-reference. These findings suggest that Japanese can be best characterized as inherently distinguishing between monologic speech (i.e., undirected and self-directed)...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7bp5v429</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Koguma, Takeshi</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Izutsu, Katsunobu</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4306-1802</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Kim, Jihyun</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>&lt;em&gt;As, ddeugeo(b)!&lt;/em&gt; ‘Oh, hot!’: Some Mysteries of &lt;em&gt;bieub &lt;/em&gt;(Ir)regular Adjectives in Colloquial Korean</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7380f4qc</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;In spoken Japanese, adjectives are used in clipped (or shortened) forms like &lt;em&gt;ita&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;itta&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;ite&lt;/em&gt; ‘painful.’ A similar phenomenon can also be observed in colloquial Korean. Focusing on&lt;em&gt; bieub&lt;/em&gt; (ir)regular adjectives (e.g., &lt;em&gt;mugeobda &lt;/em&gt;‘heavy’), the present study identifies two types of clipped forms: &lt;em&gt;bieub&lt;/em&gt;-absent form (e.g., &lt;em&gt;mugeo&lt;/em&gt;) and&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;bieub&lt;/em&gt;-present form (e.g., &lt;em&gt;mugeob&lt;/em&gt;). A questionnaire survey was conducted on Korean native speakers to investigate the use of thirteen &lt;em&gt;bieub&lt;/em&gt; (ir)regular adjectives in the two clipped forms. The results revealed that the &lt;em&gt;bieub&lt;/em&gt;-absent form is characterized by four factors (semantic, morphological, phonological, and sociopragmatic factors), while the &lt;em&gt;bieub&lt;/em&gt;-absent form mainly involves two factors (morphological and sociopragmatic factors). It is suggested that adjectives with the stem vowel &lt;em&gt;-eo&lt;/em&gt; are preferred in the&lt;em&gt; bieub&lt;/em&gt;-absent form...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7380f4qc</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Izutsu, Mitsuko Narita</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1562-9699</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Nagata, Yuki</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Izutsu, Katsunobu</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4306-1802</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Referential Density in Japanese: Diachronic Study</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71w1r32g</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study investigates referential density (RD) in the history of Japanese through manually annotated data and corpus analysis. Following Bickel’s (2003) RD1 (the ratio of overt argument NPs to available argument positions) and Noonan’s (2003) RD2 (the ratio of overt arguments to verbs), I introduce new indices to quantify the referential contribution of exaltation morphology (keigo). Drawing on prose texts from Old Japanese (OJ) and their contemporary Japanese (cNJ) translations, I demonstrate a diachronic increase in overt arguments (RD2) alongside a decline in honorific marking. While these changes might appear causally related, statistical testing reveals no direct correlation. As a preliminary conclusion, I hypothesise that the observed trends are discourse-driven and not structurally conditioned by morphosyntactic change.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/71w1r32g</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kuznetsov, Artemii</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Arguments Against the LF-Copying Analysis of Particle-Stranding Ellipsis: New Evidence from Focus Intonation*</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6z7916jc</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This article presents new evidence that particle-stranding ellipsis in Japanese is best explained by PF-deletion rather than LF-copying. I first examine whether overt extraction out of an ellipsis site is possible, and conclude that such extraction is indeed possible, contrary to the prediction made by the LF-copying analysis. Our novel finding comes from hitherto unobserved prosodic evidence that particle-stranding ellipsis involving the negative polarity item -&lt;em&gt;sika&lt;/em&gt; can bear focus intonation. I argue that this prosody-based evidence is unexpected under the LF-copying theory, as this analysis recovers syntactic structure only covertly and does not account for the observed intonational pattern. If the present analysis is on the right track, it not only contributes to a better understanding of elliptical phenomena in Japanese, but also offers an important perspective on ellipsis–prosody interactions, an area that remains underexplored in the literature.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6z7916jc</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Ono, Ryuta</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Korean Perspectives on Southern Ryukyuan Glide Fortition</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6p39q796</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Southern Ryukyuan is one of the two main subgroups of the Ryukyuan language family, consisting of Miyako, Yaeyama, and Yonaguni. One of the notable features of the subgroup is word-initial fortition of Proto-Ryukyuan &lt;em&gt;*w&lt;/em&gt; into &lt;em&gt;b&lt;/em&gt;, exhibited by all three members; in contrast, only Yonaguni underwent &lt;em&gt;*j&lt;/em&gt; &amp;gt; &lt;em&gt;d&lt;/em&gt;, while the other two languages have retained the glide value for &lt;em&gt;*j&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Due to the asymmetry, it is not entirely clear what value should be reconstructed for the Proto-Ryukyuan glides at the Proto-Southern Ryukyuan level. To answer this question, this paper investigates late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Korean transcriptions of Miyako in the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Dynasty&lt;/em&gt;. In particular, it is argued that the initial [(ⁿ)ʑ] found in transcriptions of the name of Irabu Island faithfully reflects Proto-Miyako *[ʑ]. This evidence supports the reconstruction of Proto-Southern Ryukyuan &lt;em&gt;*β&lt;/em&gt;...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6p39q796</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Yun, Huisu</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The L1 Acquisition of Verb Conjugational Morphemes in Korean: Based on the Analysis of the CHILDES Corpus</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/62v1s0nv</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study examines the acquisition order of Korean verb conjugational morphemes in first language (L1) development using Mean Length of Utterance (MLU) as a key indicator. Based on longitudinal spontaneous speech data from the Ryu Corpus (CHILDES), the study analyzes the emergence of grammatical forms such as tense, aspect, negation, and politeness. Results show that verb conjugational morphemes begin to appear at MLU 2.4–2.6, with significant grammatical expansion occurring at MLU 2.9–3.2. The acquisition follows a general sequence: present → past → imperfective → future. Negative forms, especially the pre-verbal an, are acquired early, while polite forms emerge later. The findings suggest that MLU is a more reliable measure of grammatical development than age, offering a more consistent framework for understanding Korean L1 acquisition.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/62v1s0nv</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>RYU, JUYEON</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>‘A Street of Our Own’: Developing an Urban Semiotics of&amp;nbsp;Koreanness in Western Australia</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5zn798km</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This article explores local configurations of features, resources, and symbolic relations which produce a distinctive urban semiotic style of 'Koreanness'. Situated in the context of Perth, Western Australia, the article draws on a corpus of 341 street signs recorded across different neighborhoods in the city, to illustrate how popular and traditional Korea cultural emblems, as well as a variety of culturally coded indexes, are used to produce intricate and highly layered local landscapes. Given the relatively small Korean population in Perth, Koreanness is explored as an emergent phenomenon shaped by the broader frame of ‘regionalization’— a process theorized as a stage in the making of nationally circumscribed landscapes. The implications point to complex patterns of reification of national and regional identities and relations in urban contact spaces, bringing about more nuanced understandings of how patterns of ‘nationness’, and in this case Koreanness, are produced and...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5zn798km</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Milak, Eldin</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7245-1332</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Simple Phrase Analysis of Psychological Adverbs in&amp;nbsp;Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5vz9x4jb</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper focus on the syntactic properties of psychological adverbs (PAs) constructions in Japanese. Matsuoka (2021, 2023) argues that PAs in Japanese have a CP structure, in which the experiencer PPs occupy Spec, TP of the PAs, and a null operator movement to Spec, CP is involved. However, I argue that the evidence in Matsuoka (2021, 2023) is faced with serious problems in both empirical and theoretical respects; therefore a new &amp;nbsp;analysis is called for. I propose that PAs in Japanese have a simpler structure, in which neither TP nor CP is projected, and that the experiencer PPs are not syntactically included in PAs; they are adjoined to VP. It is also shown that the structure proposed can account for the various syntactic properties of PAs in Japanese, demonstrating the validity of my proposal.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5vz9x4jb</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Yamaguchi, Masashi</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A prosodic approach to multiple right dislocation in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5g3830t7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;We explore multiple Right Dislocation (RD) in Japanese, which has previously received very little attention. We argue that multiple RD is derived not by syntactic movement but by Prosodic Right Dislocation, evidenced by its insensitivity to syntactic constraints, its lack of LF interpretive effects, and its prosodic properties. We show that single RD obeys syntactic island constraints, whereas multiple RD is insensitive to syntactic islands. Furthermore, argument/adjunct asymmetries for binding which are exhibited under single RD disappear under multiple RD. In addition, phonetic evidence suggests that multiple RD involves the dislocation of a prosodic constituent – a Major Phrase – to which tonal downstep applies. The evidence suggests that though single RD is derived by syntactic movement of a syntactic constituent, multiple RD is not; rather, multiple RD is the product of right dislocation of a prosodic constituent within the phonology.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5g3830t7</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Agbayani, Brian</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Ishii, Toru</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Influence of Korean on Remnant Japanese Language</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5521d0fk</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study analyzes remnant Japanese spoken by an elderly Korean woman educated during Japan’s colonial rule. It examines phonetic, grammatical, and lexical features influenced by Korean, revealing language attrition and cross-linguistic interference.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5521d0fk</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>KIM, MYOKYUNG</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On the Semantics of the Japanese Comparison Class Marker &lt;em&gt;-ni-shite-wa&lt;/em&gt;</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4kn764cp</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates the Japanese comparison class marker &lt;em&gt;-ni-shite-wa&lt;/em&gt;. Mizutani (2022) identifies two key observations: (i) the comparison class marker requires that its argument should have a low degree on a relevant scale, and (ii) the available interpretations of subjects vary depending on whether the predicate is stage-level or individual-level. This paper proposes a formal semantic analysis that accounts for these observations by incorporating a scalar presupposition introduced by the contrastive topic marker&lt;em&gt; -wa &lt;/em&gt;(Sawada 2007), and by distinguishing between comparison classes formed from sets of distinct individuals and those formed from sets of temporal stages of single individuals (Toledo and Sassoon 2011). The proposed analysis contributes to ongoing debates on absolute and relative gradable adjectives, indirectly supporting the view that these two types of comparison classes play a crucial role in interpreting these adjectives.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4kn764cp</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Mizutani, Kenta</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1024-4693</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Singular/Plural Contrast in Japanese: Nominal Mapping in Classifier Languages</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4d45420s</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Japanese noun phrases are not morphologically inflected for singular/plural contrast. However, the&amp;nbsp;language employs several optional plural markers. This paper argues that while Japanese lacks&amp;nbsp;morphological singular/plural distinctions, the distinction is reflected semantically, as plural markers can only attach to count nouns. Additionally, the most productive plural marker, -tati, is found&amp;nbsp;to be exclusively associative. This finding supports the nominal mapping hypothesis proposed by&amp;nbsp;Chierchia (1998a, 1998b, 2010), indicating that Japanese does not serve as a counterexample to&amp;nbsp;the framework.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4d45420s</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kawahara, Koji</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Reconsideration of Scrambling out of Control Clauses</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4d10s17k</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;In the literature, properties of scrambling out of control clauses in Japanese are not completely clear. &amp;nbsp;For example, although some argue that scrambling out of control clauses provoke weak-crossover effects, others claim that it does not (e.g. see Nemoto 1993, 1999, Takano 2009, 2010, Yoshimoto 2012, Goto 2017, and references therein). &amp;nbsp;Based on the previous studies (e.g., Skumoto 2024a), this paper endeavors to clarify its properties by providing more data and shows that weak-crossover effects are not provoked in scrambling out of control clauses. &amp;nbsp;Furthermore, I consider an analysis of scrambling out of control clauses from the perspectives of phases (cf. Chomsky 2000, Saito 2017a, Goto 2017, Sakumoto 2024a, among others).&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4d10s17k</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Sakumoto, Yuya</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Re-Presenting Action in a Shareable Way Using an &amp;nbsp;X-&lt;em&gt;hora&lt;/em&gt;-Y Format: One Way to Resolve Epistemic Imbalance</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/45k7b1fn</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This conversation-analytic study presents an empirical analysis of the use of a Japanese interjection, &lt;em&gt;hora&lt;/em&gt;. It focuses exclusively on the use of an X-&lt;em&gt;hora&lt;/em&gt;-Y format and attempts to reveal how participants use this format to achieve an interactional goal. The analysis demonstrates that the X-&lt;em&gt;hora&lt;/em&gt;-Y format is used when the speaker has exclusive access to an initial action (=X), and the subsequent use of &lt;em&gt;hora&lt;/em&gt; then serves as a signal to initiate an action (=Y) that re-presents or reformulates the previous action in a shareable way. This format is thus used as an international practice to redress the epistemic imbalance between the speaker and the hearer and to establish a shared understanding. In his seminal paper, Heritage (2012) exemplified how the epistemic imbalance between the speaker and the hearer motivates a sequence of interactions. Even within the X-&lt;em&gt;hora&lt;/em&gt;-Y format, a similar motivation is at work.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/45k7b1fn</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Sugiura, Hideyuki</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Subject-Object Asymmetries of Topics in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/40s2x515</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper aims to syntactically explore subject-object asymmetries of (thematic) topics in Japanese. In particular, I observe that in Japanese, a subject topic and an object topic can co-occur in the same clause, but that the latter must precede the former. Based on this observation, I propose that there are two topic projections in Japanese, and that the higher projection hosts an object topic, while the lower one hosts a subject topic. I then investigate each of these two projections in more detail: Regarding the higher topic projection, I argue that it can host not only an object topic but also a gapless topic. Regarding the lower topic projection, I claim that it is A/A'P, a projection proposed by Bošković (2024a,b) which has mixed A- and A'-properties. This claim gives an account of the word order asymmetry between a subject topic and an object topic.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/40s2x515</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Noguchi, Yuya</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0004-8246-9714</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Existential Locatives and Possessives in Japanese and&amp;nbsp;Korean</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3w82q8jp</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Japanese and Korean use an existential predicate not only to express existence but also to convey possession and location (Lee 2008, Park 2009, Kim 2016, Tomioka 2007, Kishimoto 2016, among others). Korean uses the predicate&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;iss-&lt;/em&gt; ‘be’, and Japanese uses &lt;em&gt;aru/iru&lt;/em&gt; ‘be’. The fact that these patterns often coincide crosslinguistically has prompted earlier studies to propose a unified analysis for both constructions (e.g. Freeze 1992). Upon closer examination, however, it becomes clear that the two constructions do not exhibit the same patterns. In this paper, I propose an analysis that encompasses Japanese and Korean, arguing that locative and possessive constructions have distinct argument structures based on their distinct syntactic behaviors. The present study aims to provide a more systematic explanation of the complexities and differences inherent in each construction.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3w82q8jp</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Cho, Youngdong</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0006-5410-1466</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How are Events Encoded?: Differences Between Japanese and Korean&amp;nbsp;</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3t39z3zv</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study examines how Japanese and Korean differ in encoding events, using a basic classification of four information types: ENTITIES, HAPPENINGS, RELATIONS, and INCIDENTALS. Focusing on verb predicate sentences in translated American movie dialogues (2015–2023), it identifies three key patterns in Japanese: (1) predicates combining nominals and function verbs; (2) morphosyntactically incomplete predicates where function verbs are replaced or omitted, reducing explicit RELATIONS encoding; and (3) predicates lacking verbs entirely, omitting HAPPENINGS and relying on inference. Japanese translations tend to encode fewer HAPPENINGS and RELATIONS than Korean, favoring noun-based structures that support selective encoding and linguistic economy. In contrast, Korean encodes events more explicitly using fewer nominal constructions and preserving verbal forms. Japanese’s noun-oriented strategy, while less direct, enables prioritization of high-value content. These differences reflect...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3t39z3zv</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Youn, Sunghee</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Relative Tense in Japanese: The Case of Multiply Embedded Relative Clauses</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/35r3r103</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Relative tense is a phenomenon where the reference time of a clause is determined based on some context-dependent time, not necessarily the speech time. While relative tense can be observed with Japanese subordinate clauses, most previous studies have focused only on a single level of embedding, leaving cases of multiple embedding underexplored. Against this backdrop, this study investigates the temporal interpretations of multiply embedded relative clauses in Japanese. We report that a multiply embedded relative clause can receive a relative tense interpretation that depends on its nonimmediately higher clauses. We also show that this 'clause skipping' interpretation is constrained by the tense forms of the clauses. Based on these observations, we then develop a formal account of the temporal interpretations of Japanese relative clauses. Our account employs the notion of a time interval list, which enables us to derive the attested interpretations compositionally.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/35r3r103</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Matsuoka, Daiki</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0008-4378-6580</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Bekki, Daisuke</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9988-1260</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Yanaka, Hitomi</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0354-6116</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Towards the Reconstruction of Proto-Japonic&amp;nbsp;Demonstratives: A Conceptual Framework</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2xj448cq</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper discusses the issue of reconstructing Proto-Japonic demonstratives. Since demonstratives constitute a small and closed set, they are subject to internal pressures from other items within the paradigm. Therefore, a theoretical approach that emphasizes analogy, compounding, and reduction—processes operating within the system—is required.&lt;br&gt;Building on this framework, the paper explains the differences between Old Japanese and Proto-Ryukyuan as resulting from two reductive processes from Proto-Japonic: *&lt;em&gt;sə&lt;/em&gt;- &amp;gt; &lt;em&gt;ə-&lt;/em&gt; (&amp;gt; &lt;em&gt;o-&lt;/em&gt;) in Proto-Ryukyuan, and &lt;em&gt;ka-&lt;/em&gt; &amp;gt; &lt;em&gt;a-&lt;/em&gt; in Proto-Northern Ryukyuan.&lt;br&gt;These developments support identifying the Proto-Japonic demonstrative system as comprising &lt;em&gt;kə-&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;ka-&lt;/em&gt; for proximate and distal deictic nouns, respectively, and &lt;em&gt;sə-&lt;/em&gt; for anaphoric nouns, with adverbial &lt;em&gt;ka-&lt;/em&gt; used to refer to proximate manner.&lt;br&gt;Although the status of the anaphoric pronoun &lt;em&gt;si&lt;/em&gt;...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2xj448cq</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kinuhata, Tomohide</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Japanese Sign Language (JSL) Toponym Etiology Reveals Constraints on Positional Salience in Korean Sign Language (KSL) Toponym Formation</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2q55k43k</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;A Korean Sign Language (KSL) toponym can emerge as a monomorphemic sign output indexed to the initial morpheme from a source Korean toponym; however, in some instances the KSL toponym creates an output mapped to the second source morpheme (Ji 2022). This shift flouts positional salience since KSL toponyms typically represent the initial source morpheme semantics.&amp;nbsp;A comparison between the related sign languages Japanese Sign Language (JSL) and KSL offers a possible explanation. Ji (2022) observations about a collection of roughly 300 KSL toponyms were examined via a sign toponym typology developed in George (2022). An etiological examination of JSL shows that JSL toponyms generally index to semantically transparent Japanese source toponym morphemes (George 2022); KSL may share a similar process. The apparent crosslinguistic tendency to index semantically transparent morphemes may explain the non-indexation of an initial morpheme in KSL.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2q55k43k</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>George, Johnny</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reevaluating the Korean Aspectual System: A Biclausal Perspective-Pragmatic Nature of the Result Reading of &lt;em&gt;‘-ko iss-’&lt;/em&gt;</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2hg4h8k8</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper reexamines the Korean aspectual marker &lt;em&gt;-ko iss-&lt;/em&gt; by addressing its long-standing ambiguity between progressive and resultative readings. While earlier studies have linked resultative interpretations to lexical reflexivity, this study proposes a biclausal syntactic structure as the source of the resultative reading, contrasting with the monoclausal structure underlying the progressive meaning. Through syntactic diagnostics—such as adverbial placement and negation—as well as pragmatic factors including spatial, possessive, force-dynamic, and episodic involvement, this paper demonstrates that resultative readings are not inherent in the verb alone but arise through pragmatic inference. It argues for a revised understanding of the Korean aspect system, recognizing &lt;em&gt;-ko iss-&lt;/em&gt; as an imperfective marker expressing progressive and habitual readings, while perfective aspect is marked by &lt;em&gt;-e iss-&lt;/em&gt;. This syntactic-pragmatic perspective not only clarifies...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2hg4h8k8</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kumar, Bishwanath</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0001-1256-8168</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Verb Reduplication in Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2c96n0mw</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates verb reduplication (VR) in Japanese, focusing on three key properties: (i) the obligatory insertion of the light verb &lt;em&gt;su&lt;/em&gt;, (ii) iterative aspectual meaning, and (iii) total reduplication of the verbal stem. Drawing on the framework of Distributed Morphology, I argue that VR is mediated by an aspectual head (Asp) that projects between vP and VoiceP. This head simultaneously blocks head movement (triggering &lt;em&gt;su&lt;/em&gt; insertion), introduces the [iterative] aspectual feature, and undergoes morphological reduplication via a RED morpheme. The analysis accounts for the syntactic, semantic, and morphophonological properties of VR and extends to related constructions like &lt;em&gt;hito&lt;/em&gt;-V compounds. The findings contribute to our understanding of aspectual morphology and the interaction between syntax and morphology in Japanese.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2c96n0mw</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Akimoto, Takayuki</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0003-8915-7361</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Translating Motion Events in Harry Potter into Japanese&amp;nbsp;and Korean: Focusing on Manner Encoding and Deixis</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/296591n7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study examines how motion events in the English original version of &lt;em&gt;Harry Potter&lt;/em&gt; are translated into Japanese and Korean, with a focus on the encoding of Manner, the use of Deictic verbs, and ideophones. Following Talmy’s typology, the analysis compares 180 motion event descriptions in the English original with their translations in Japanese and Korean. The results show that while both languages generally preserve motion events, they employ different strategies to encode Manner: Japanese frequently uses ideophones and visual motion expressions, while Korean relies more on complex verbs incorporating Deictic elements. Although ideophones appear in both translations, their semantic roles differ; Japanese ideophones tend to represent detailed visual imagery, while Korean ideophones represent&amp;nbsp;the overall intensity or emotional quality of the Motion. The findings highlight significant differences between two typologically similar V-languages, demonstrating how...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/296591n7</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Park, Jiyeon</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Iwasaki, Noriko</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tensification as a general marker of compound boundary in Korean</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2099j8tc</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Compound tensification (CT) in Korean refers to the process where an underlyingly plain obstruent surfaces as tense at the onset of the second noun in a noun + noun compound, traditionally attributed to a historical genitive marker. Thus, CT is known to only affect subordinate compounds, where the first noun modifies the second noun. However, this study tests whether CT generalizes to coordinate compounds, where the two nouns form a conjunctive relation. In a production experiment with 33 native Seoul Korean speakers, tokens containing plain stops at compound boundaries were elicited and perceptually categorized. Results show that while CT occurred more frequently in subordinate compounds, it also emerged in coordinate compounds, especially in shorter, high-frequency words like pom-kaul (‘spring and fall’). Acoustic analysis confirmed that stops perceived as tense exhibited significantly longer closure durations across both compound types. These findings suggest an expansion...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2099j8tc</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Kwon, Chloe Dokyung</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0009-0003-4627-4859</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Multiple Scrambling in Japanese: An Experimental&amp;nbsp;Investigation</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1z23878q</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study tested predictions of two hypotheses for scrambling. Cyclic Linearization (CL) argues that the word order established in a syntactic cycle cannot be overridden in a later cycle. Prosodic Scrambling (PS) claims that a string of words must be scrambled in syntax if it represents a syntactic constituent but scrambled at PF if it does not. Two experiments were designed with Japanese transitive sentences containing an adverb. Experiment 1, a production task, found that the A(dverb)S(ubject)O(bject)V(erb) order is overwhelmingly preferred with a modal adverb, whereas ASOV and SAOV are equally preferred with a temporal adverb. Experiment 2 examined acceptability of transitive sentences with the two types of adverbs in four orders: ASOV, AOSV, OSAV, and SOAV. CL predicts SOAV is underivable, while PS predicts all four orders are derivable. The results show that SOAV received the second highest mean rating, contradicting CL but consistent with PS.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1z23878q</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Tanaka, Justin</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Tanaka, Nozomi</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3910-3659</uri>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Agbayani, Brian</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Fukuda, Shin</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Children’s Sensitivity to the Island Effects in Japanese Cleft Constructions</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1j51m57b</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Cleft constructions have been one of the central issues in the field of child language acquisition. In order to deepen our understanding of children’s knowledge about these constructions, this study conducted a new experiment to determine whether Japanese-speaking preschool children are sensitive to the island effects in cleft constructions. The results of our experiment, which were obtained from 43 children between the ages of four and six, suggest that these children conform to the island constraints in clefts, which in turn gives prominence to the view that child language acquisition is supported by an innate faculty of language.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1j51m57b</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Matsumoto, Ayumi</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Yamakoshi, Kyoko</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Sugisaki, Koji</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Miyamoto, Yoichi</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Sugawara, Ayaka</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reanalyzing the “to omou” ‘I think’ Construction: A Corpus-Based Study of Natural Japanese Conversation</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1dx0g93r</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study investigates the ‘&lt;em&gt;to omou&lt;/em&gt;’ construction in Japanese, [a complement clause + a quotation marker + &lt;em&gt;omou&lt;/em&gt; ‘think’], with the aim of identifying recurrent forms associated with the construction and analyzing their functions in natural conversation. The data come from the Corpus of Everyday Japanese Conversation. Our quantitative analyses identify various distributional patterns surrounding the construction, including the ending forms of the complement clause, combinations of quotation markers and conjugated forms of omou, and the construction’s position within an utterance. We also conducted qualitative analyses of the discourse functions of&lt;em&gt; toka omotte&lt;/em&gt; and found that it serves multiple functions, such as explaining the reason for an action or quoting one’s thought in a complaint. From a constructional perspective, our findings suggest that various recurrent patterns should be taken into consideration to adequately capture the multiple functions...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1dx0g93r</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Endo, Tomoko</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Hotta, Hikaru</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Sociolinguistic Analysis of the Addressee–Reference&amp;nbsp;Usage of the First-Person Pronouns watasi(tati) in&amp;nbsp;Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1d21z3jc</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Terms of address in Japanese have been studied abundantly, with particular attention paid to their referential use in daily life, for instance, kinship terms and personal pronouns. In order to broaden our understanding on terms of address, however, it is essential to describe and analyze less-frequently-used and 'marked' terms of address. This study paid particular attention to the addressee–reference usage of first-person pronouns watasi and watasitati. Specifically, these pronouns can be employed typically by male adult speakers to address younger adult female addressee(s). These pronouns are strategically chosen to satisfy conflicting sociolinguistic/communicative needs that cannot be satisfied by genuine second-person pronouns. The pronouns (watasi and watasitati), which copy the forms originally used by addressees to refer to themselves, neither sound too close nor too formal, striking a delicate balance in terms of interpersonal distance.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1d21z3jc</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>LEE, Kangwon</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Horie, Kaoru</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Revisiting Korean Case Particles &lt;em&gt;poko&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;tele&lt;/em&gt;: A Linguistic Typological Perspective</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1b2829rp</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study offers a typological analysis of the Korean case particles &lt;em&gt;poko&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;tele&lt;/em&gt;, traditionally treated as dative markers. Drawing on corpus data and construction grammar, it identifies four major constructions where these particles appear: speech quotation, naming, evaluative, and causative. Rather than marking indirect objects or recipients like typical datives (&lt;em&gt;eykey&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;hanthey&lt;/em&gt;), &lt;em&gt;poko&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;tele&lt;/em&gt; function primarily as addressee or goal markers. The study introduces the 'on-the-spot' constraint, requiring that the referent be directly involved in the speech context. Crosslinguistic evidence supports the grammaticalization paths SEE &amp;gt; ALLATIVE (for &lt;em&gt;poko&lt;/em&gt;) and ACCOMPANY &amp;gt; ALLATIVE (for &lt;em&gt;tele&lt;/em&gt;), aligning with well-attested typological trajectories. By mapping their semantic and syntactic behaviors, the paper argues for reclassifying &lt;em&gt;poko&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;tele&lt;/em&gt; as specialized allative markers with pragmatic...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1b2829rp</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Hou, Bowen</name>
      </author>
      <author>
        <name>Paik, Innyoung</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Arisaka's Law and the Phonemic Analysis of Old Japanese</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0s82s82w</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Some phonemic analyses of Old Japanese (OJ) include contrasts between consonant+vowel (CV) syllables and consonant+glide+vowel (CGV) syllables, where G is OJ/y/ or OJ/w/. For example, some scholars transcribe OJ with a contrast between OJ/Co/ and OJ/Cwo/. Arisaka’s Law is a set of cooccurrence restrictions on OJ syllables within a root, and in an analysis that incorporates this contrast between OJ/Co/ and OJ/Cwo/, Arisaka’s Law prohibits roots containing both OJ/Co/ and OJ/Cwo/. OJ also allowed glide+vowel (GV) syllables, including OJ/wo/, and it is natural to assume that OJ/wo/ in a GV syllable is phonemically the same as OJ/wo/ in a CGV syllable. If so, Arisaka’s Law predicts that the GV syllable OJ/wo/ should not occur in a root that also contains a CV syllable of the form OJ/Co/, but this prediction is false. This contradiction prompts consideration of alternative phonemic analyses that do not include OJ/Cwo/ syllables.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0s82s82w</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Vance, Timothy</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4915-6765</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Reinvestigation of the Accusative Case Marker in&amp;nbsp;Yoronese Ryukyuan</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0816m5zg</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This study examines the distribution of the accusative marker &lt;em&gt;=NcjaN&lt;/em&gt; in Yoronese Ryukyuan through corpus analysis of 314 pages of folktales. Previous accounts claimed that &lt;em&gt;=NcjaN&lt;/em&gt; is optional when objects are adjacent to verbs but obligatory elsewhere. However, analysis of transitive clauses reveals that while adjacency correlates with marking frequency (67% adjacent vs. 86% nonadjacent objects marked), some nonadjacent objects remain unmarked. The data show differential object marking patterns: animate and definite objects are more frequently marked than inanimate and indefinite ones, regardless of adjacency. Cross-dialectal comparison reveals cognate forms functioning as limitative particles (‘only’) in neighboring varieties of the Northern Ryukyuan languages, suggesting a grammaticalization path from limitative to accusative. I propose that contact-induced borrowing of Japanese =&lt;em&gt;dake&lt;/em&gt; ‘only’ (=&lt;em&gt;daki&lt;/em&gt; in Yoronese) triggered functional redistribution,...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0816m5zg</guid>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Miyagawa, So</name>
        <uri>https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2950-7193</uri>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A New Look at Morphosyntactic Phenomena in Korean: No Case Markers but Verbal Postpositions</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9xb1f84s</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper investigates the morphosyntactic status of Korean 'particles', which should be reanalyzed as affixes, clitics, or words. Despite their central role in Korean grammar, few studies have acknowledged the existence of clitics in the language. Building on the foundational analysis in Chae (2020), this study revises and extends previous claims in two key directions. First, following Chae (2023a), we argue that the particles -&lt;em&gt;i/ka&lt;/em&gt; and -&lt;em&gt;ul/lul&lt;/em&gt;, conventionally treated as nominative and accusative case markers, are more accurately analyzed as delimiters with identical meanings. This reanalysis has broad implications for constructions traditionally explained in terms of case marking. Second, we propose a new lexical category of 'verbal postpositions' (vPs) to account for sentence endings, thereby eliminating the need to posit a complementizer phrase (CP) at the sentence level. We argue that the CP analysis is both conceptually and empirically problematic,...</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9xb1f84s</guid>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Chae, Hee-Rahk</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Acknowledgments</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9573q3wq</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;William Giang, Lucien Brown, Shimako Iwasaki, Satoshi Nambu, and Daniel Pieper&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9573q3wq</guid>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Volume 31 Editors</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Table of Contents</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1n29s2p7</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;Japanese/Korean Linguistics&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1n29s2p7</guid>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Volume 31</name>
      </author>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Temporal Structure of Intonation Units in English and Japanese: Covid-19 Conversations</title>
      <link>https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0216h868</link>
      <description>&lt;p&gt;This paper examines the temporal structure of intonation units (IUs) in English and Japanese using semi-controlled Covid-19 conversations recorded on Zoom. Intonation units, speech chunks demarcated by prosodic cues, were manually transcribed and analyzed for duration and preceding pause length. The study found Japanese IUs to be significantly longer (median 1.30 s) than English IUs (1.00 s), and Japanese pre-IU pauses longer (0.30 s vs. 0.10 s). Morphological factors, notably Japanese’s reliance on multisyllabic words versus English’s monosyllables, and pragmatic factors, greater encoding of discourse information and sociolinguistic markers in Japanese, explain these differences. Additionally, prolonged pauses in Japanese often trigger speaker shifts, whereas in English they occur at nongrammatical boundaries to support cognitive planning. The paper suggests extending this comparative approach to other languages and genres to uncover universal and language-specific IU patterns.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0216h868</guid>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
      <author>
        <name>Iwasaki, Shoichi</name>
      </author>
    </item>
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