Global mass displacement is at an all-time high. There are now over 100 million people displaced worldwide, and the number is only increasing. The reasons for this displacement are many, including wars, internal conflict, violence by non-state actors, natural disasters, and economic deterioration. The global refugee regime, which was created in the mid-20th century, was designed to help resettle refugees who were displaced as a result of wars in host countries that were willing to protect them. However, the constant turmoil of the past 70 years which has caused such mass displacement has far exceeded what the refugee regime was designed to handle. Today, nearly a quarter of the way into the 21st century, it is more important than ever to restructure the mechanisms that determine the fates of millions of refugees. As a global community, we must work to ensure that refugees can live with dignity, autonomy, and meaningful opportunities for their futures.

This thesis analyzes various state-based responses to refugee displacement, which typically bypass the usual procedures carried out under the global refugee regime. By examining the relatively recent and unique case of the “Venezuelan Exodus,” I look at which strategies have provided displaced Venezuelans with the most effective protections, legal statuses, and opportunities. Building off Alexander Betts’ concept of survival migration, I argue that Venezuelans who have fled their country should be considered refugees, given that, for many reasons, conditions in Venezuela have become unlivable for them. As my case study, I provide an in-depth analysis of the Brazilian response to Venezuelan refugees known as “Operação Acolhida.” Through this unique state-based and military-humanitarian approach, Brazil has offered Venezuelan refugees access to the country, shelter and aid, and relocation opportunities, although the majority of Venezuelans in Brazil are not formally recognized as refugees. This case highlights the shifting notion of what it means to be a refugee, the possibilities that can arise with a reframing of “resettlement,” and the growing role of military bodies in humanitarian and civilian affairs.

My research on global mass displacement and refugee migration has shown that state- based models of refugee response are more effective in complex situations of mixed migration flows. I compared various state responses to the Venezuelan refugee crisis and, more specifically, gathered data through five months of fieldwork in Brazil to examine the strengths and challenges of Operação Acolhida. I found that a universal global model for assisting refugees will not provide them with the best opportunities possible. Tailored state- specific models work better for refugees locally and can also provide useful best practices that could potentially be implemented globally.

Human rights is all too often the first casualty of national insecurity. How can democracies cope with the threat of terror while protecting human rights? This timely volume compares the lessons of the United States and Israel with the "best-case scenarios" of the United Kingdom, Canada, Spain, and Germany. It demonstrates that threatened democracies have important options, and democratic governance, the rule of law, and international cooperation are crucial foundations for counterterror policy.

Afghanistan’s development has been the antithesis of progress. A nation whose borders were forged by the great powers of its time, Great Britain and Russia, without regard for the intricacies of the country. Decades of internal ethnic and religious conflict stemmed from the arbitrary construction of its borders and was furthered by political chaos and dynastic rivalries, which built a fragile state dependent on foreign aid and resources. The state's vulnerabilities encouraged foreign influence and embittered tensions between rural people absent from the nation's political future. The historical approach of this thesis contextualizes the ongoing and cyclical disruptions in the socio-political evolution of Afghanistan. Evaluating the most volatile periods of Afghanistan’s contemporary history, beginning with the invasion of the Soviet Union to the most recent withdrawal of the United States, reveals the nearly 50 years of chaos and destruction in Afghanistan. These struggles and histories deconstruct the baseline of Afghanistan’s instability. The deprave conditions of warfare have pushed millions of Afghans out of Afghanistan, with each invasion and cycle of political upheaval contributing to a pattern of displacement. Yet, the apparent pattern of Afghan departure at the height of each period of instability has not garnered the proper response and support from the international refugee system or its donor states, of which the United States is the most significant. History and data are the primary methodological tools of this thesis. History provides context, and data provides insights demonstrating the gaps in the international refugee system. The gaps stem from inappropriate responses, lack of funding and preparation in foreshadowing future refugee crises, poor infrastructure, low donor state support, and general ignorance by influential states. These factors contribute to the ongoing Afghan refugee crisis, revealing the issue's depth and the magnitude of international political reformation required to rectify and aid the millions of Afghan refugees hoping for a better future.

This thesis discusses two specific aspects of gender-based violence – feminicide, the extreme manifestation of violence against women and political-gender based violence, a very important yet unexplored form of violence that aims to prevents women from reaching positions of power or to removing them from their jobs. The research is focused on Latin America and, more specifically, on Brazil while employing a methodology of case-studies analysis and historical background. The cases of four women (Zuzu Angel, Dorothy Stang, Patrícia Acioli and Marielle Franco), who were killed by reasons related to their political and/or social leadership are linked to a broader study of a patriarchal society with high concentration of inequality, insecurity and experiencing a conservative wave. The results show the existence of patterns of violence committed by the state, either by negligence or direct action and that the response - or lack thereof – to these killings rarely brings justice to the victims and their families.

Keywords: political gender-based violence; feminicide; violence against women; Marielle Franco; state violence.

This thesis seeks to address two main issues. First, how have the recent rise of

populist-nationalism and the elections of populist-nationalist governments challenged the

international refugee rights regime? Second, how have humanitarian non-governmental

organizations (NGOs) responded to new anti-refugee policies, and what does this mean for their

position within civil society? To answer these questions, this project offers a comparative study

between the United States under the administration of President Donald Trump and Italy under the

administration of Deputy Minister of the Interior Matteo Salvini. By analyzing government and

NGO policies for both cases in response to the European refugee crisis and the rise of

asylum-seekers from Central America, this thesis concludes that humanitarian NGOs have

undergone fundamental shifts in operations in response to these populist-nationalist administrations

and their undermining of the refugee rights regime. Among these changes include the increasing

fulfillment of refugee rights obligations by humanitarian NGOs themselves in place of the national

government and a turn away from political neutrality within humanitarian organizations. This paper

concludes by discussing what policy changes should be made at the international, state, and NGO

level in order to best protect refugee rights and NGO operations

The study of social movements has been a prominent topic of focus in the social sciences for a century, so much so that social movement theory arose as its own interdisciplinary study. A major facet of social movements and specific instances of mobilization is tactical repertoires/decision-making. Tactical choice does not exist in a vacuum; protestors do not suddenly decide to occupy government buildings or organize marches indiscriminately. The puzzle of why certain tactics are utilized at certain times is complex, and in order to fully understand the underlying implications of tactical choice we must incorporate/recognize the importance of resources/opportunities, socio-political structures, grievances, targets, collective identity, etc. While all movements face drivers and dilemmas of tactical choice, Indigenous movements have added factors based on their contexts and conditions. The purpose of this research is; to analyze tactical repertoires adopted by Indigenous resistance movements in Ecuador from 2000-2017 and investigate why tactical repertoires vary at different points in time. The goal is to understand what accounts for the adoption of different tactics; what contexts and circumstances lead to the adoption of certain tactics over others or certain specific repertoires and tactical combinations As my main question of inquiry focuses on tactics as the main point of analysis, my method for surveying what tactics were used during specific time periods was to utilize primary news sources and press releases that reported on current events in Ecuador over time. Tactical repertoires were then analyzed using models and theories developed by social movement theorists, focusing on identifying factors that affect tactical decision-making. With a cross-period analysis, I am also able to compare and contrast how factors/conditions have changed and remained the same and what impact this has on tactical choice. Examples include how changes in political regimes, economic systems, and state power affect tactical repertoires that Indigenous mobilizations utilize. Each case examines the ways in which Indigenous communities resist the violation of their livelihoods and reaffirm their cultural identity during three time periods; Pre-Correa (2000-2006), Early Correa (2006-2011), and Late Correa (2011-2017). With this research, we hope to learn more about what factors influence Indigenous mobilization and the specific impacts they have on tactical choice, especially the role of political opportunity structures and public perceptions of targets. Using the progression of Indigenous resistance over the three time periods within 2000-2017, two major observations become clear regarding tactical choice. Specifically, decisions regarding what tactics to utilize and more generally what tactics are available are heavily impacted by the (1) political opportunity structure Indigenous movements are mobilizing within and (2) the public opinion or perception of the targets of Indigenous grievances.

Housing, Land and Property (HLP) rights are based on human rights and international law entitling displaced persons to a safe residence free from eviction. Across several disciplines, the end of violence in a prolonged conflict situation results in a “post-conflict” state in which peace building, reconciliation, and restorative justice processes can begin. While post-conflict peace building involves many reconciliation processes, land rights and property restitution have been some of the most difficult to address. HLP rights in post-conflict settings can affect internally displaced persons and refugees by severely complicating their reintegration and readjustment processes, and in many cases act as a barrier to return. HLP rights are central issues before, during, and after conflict, and should be prioritized by governments and international actors in post- conflict settings due to the complexity of many land tenure systems and customary HLP law. This thesis will examine HLP history, laws, and disputes for three specific cases with particular emphasis on post-conflict settings, property claims, and property restitution. The primary focus of this study will be conflict and HLP rights in Syria, which involves a complicated land tenure system, demographic engineering through property expropriation, and pressure placed on refugees to return home by host countries. Additionally, this thesis looks at two past cases, Guatemala and Kosovo, to assess some best practices and shortcomings of previous attempts to address HLP issues in post-conflict settings.