Labeling theory proposes that the criminal label produces changes in the self-concept. Lemert (1951) thought that the secondary label was responsible for changes in the self-concept. The evaluative component of the self-concept is self-esteem, which is defined as the positive or negative evaluation of the self (Rosenberg, 1979). Drawing on William James’ theory of self-esteem (1890), the present study examined the effects of the criminal label on self-esteem, and the secondary label on self-esteem. The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health sample measured self-esteem at two points in time; before (Wave I) and after (Wave III) the criminal labeling period. The OLS regression revealed that the criminal label (p < .05) causes negative changes in self-esteem. Furthermore, the secondary label was responsible for the most significant negative changes in self-esteem (p < .01). These findings can be generalized to the United States population.

International student migration to the U.S. dropped after the 9/11 attacks when it became the focus of anti-terrorism and immigration reform because it was believed the hijackers were non-U.S. nationals who had entered the U.S. on student visas. This study examines the impact of 9/11 on international student migration to determine if there was a significant change in visa issuances in post-9/11 years. I also investigate regional variation and Muslim religion predominance to test if visa issuances may have dropped for students originating from Middle Eastern countries and/or Muslim majority countries. I analyzed nonimmigrant visa issuance data from the U.S. Department of State Bureau of Consular Affairs annual Report of the Visa Office from 1989 to 2014. Results from paired sample t-tests show that while there was no initial significant difference between the pre- and post-9/11 periods, when broken down by visa classification and by region, there were pronounced negative changes; F and M visas dropped in five out of six regions, and the Middle East was the hardest impacted, experiencing an overall decline in the average number of issued F, J, and M student visas. Negative binomial regression results confirmed results of the paired sample t-tests. The findings suggest that although Muslim majority countries were issued fewer visas for overall total visa issuance, trends by student visa type by region may have been the impetus behind the shifts in student migration after the September 11th, 2001 attacks.

The racial bias embedded in scientific inquiry is a seldom explored topic; however, this project employed a qualitative coding methodology to develop themes reflective of racism in three areas of scientific inquiry: Biomedical, Behavioral, and Social. The results of this analysis reveal racial hierarchy creation remains an ever-present feature of scientific inquiry, although taking a more subtle and hidden form. This racism is primarily evident through the use of race as an etiological variable and attempts to indict "cultural differences" as justification for differences. This study reveals that despite being educated analysts, the work of scholars and scientists alike is largely a reflection of the racist society in which they are embedded.

In 2017, UNESCO estimated 4.6 million higher education students were globally mobile for education purposes. Much of what we know about skilled international mobility and its relationship with national policy is based on research focusing on traditional destination countries, such as the United States and United Kingdom. I compared how national higher education internationalization policies shape international student mobility to two non-traditional hotspots: The United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Russia. I conducted expert interviews with forty-three university administrators and public officials to understand the relationship between strategic plans internationalization on international student mobility.

In terms of internationalization, while Russia’s recruitment goals were to enroll students, the UAE policy had attracted foreign institutes to build branch campuses. Differing outcomes are the results of the composition of international students and state motivations. In both cases, it appeared that a state’s intentions to have more globally competitive higher education institutes was a leading policy determinant, which drives a relationship between the state and its universities. This thus dictated student mobility patterns. In contrast to traditional destination countries, expert interviews revealed that an underlying agenda of global political cooperation trumps purely economic intentions. Finally, in a critical analysis of expert interviews in international fieldwork, I concluded that despite practical challenges and methodological limitations, this data collection technique offers theoretical benefits.

This study advances the comprehension of the direction and drivers of one form of skilled migration—international student mobility—to countries, within regions, and in global contexts, especially from a perspective of non-traditional destination countries. It contributes to the theoretical understanding of educational migration as a process and conduit of economic development and social change within the broader global economy. It also provides a comparative study that seeks to reconcile contradictions between interests, goals, and outcomes among individuals, institutions, and the state. Implications from this research may also apply to those interested in improving the caliber of higher education and attracting skilled students in a competitive global economy, such as international students and their families, educators and administrators, non-profit organizations, private businesses, and public universities, as well as policymakers.

This dissertation utilizes a feminist theoretical model of women's autonomy to explain much of the variability in national fertility rates from 1990-2006. While many previous efforts have been made to determine what causes variation in fertility, this research utilizes panel analysis to examine some cultural variables that have been largely ignored in the field, specifically Islam and the practices of polygyny and female genital mutilation (FGM). These variables are hypothesized to affect fertility rates positively. This research also re-examines previously studied economic, political, and educational indicators of female autonomy, in addition to economic development as measured by GNI per capita, using multivariate regression analysis to determine the strength of the effects of the cultural indicators of female autonomy on fertility change vis-à-vis these other variables. Results from the analysis suggest that a significant negative relationship exists between FGM and fertility change, and that a significant positive relationship exists between Islam and fertility change, but that significant relationships do not exist for any of the other variables examined and fertility. The neoclassical economic model of fertility change is not substantiated and arguments about women's autonomy and fertility are somewhat supported. Implications for further research and public policy are discussed.