The N400 component of the event related brain potential is widely used to investigate language and meaning processing. However, despite much research the component’s functional basis remains actively debated. Recent work showed that the update of the predictive representation of sentence meaning (semantic update, or SU) generated by the Sentence Gestalt model (McClelland, St. John, & Taraban, 1989) consistently displayed a similar pattern to the N400 amplitude in a series of conditions known to modulate this event-related potential. These results led (Rabovsky, Hansen, and McClelland,2018) to suggest that the N400 might reflect change in a probabilistic representation of meaning corresponding to an implicit semantic prediction error. However, a limitation of this work is that the model was trained on a small artificial training corpus and thus could not be presented with the same naturalistic stimuli presented in empirical experiments. In the present study, we overcome this limitation and directly model the amplitude of the N400 elicited during naturalistic sentence processing by using as predictor the SU generated by a Sentence Gestalt model trained on a large corpus of texts. The results reported in this paper corroborate the hypothesis that the N400 component reflects the change in a probabilistic representation of meaning after every word presentation. Further analyses demonstrate that the SU of the Sentence Gestalt model and the amplitude of the N400 are influenced similarly by the stochastic and positional properties of the linguistic input.

Prediction error, both at the level of sentence meaning and at the level of the next presented word, has been shown to successfully account for N400 amplitudes. Here we investigate whether people differ in the representational level at which they implicitly predict upcoming language. We computed a measure of prediction error at the level of sentence meaning (termed semantic update) and a measure of prediction error at the level of the next word (surprisal). Both measures significantly accounted for N400 amplitudes even when the other measure was controlled for. Most important for current purposes, both effects were significantly negatively correlated. Moreover, random-effects model comparison showed that individuals differ in whether their N400 amplitudes are driven by semantic update only, by surprisal only, or by both, and that the most common model in the population was either semantic update or the combined model but clearly not the pure surprisal model.