Sexual scripts are widely shared gender and culture-specific guides for sexual behavior with important implications for HIV prevention. Although several qualitative studies document how sexual scripts may influence sexual risk behaviors, quantitative investigations of sexual scripts in the context of sexual risk are rare. This mixed methods study involved the qualitative development and quantitative testing of the Sexual Scripts Scale (SSS). Study 1 included qualitative semi-structured interviews with 30 Black heterosexual men about sexual experiences with main and casual sex partners to develop the SSS. Study 2 included a quantitative test of the SSS with 526 predominantly low-income Black heterosexual men. A factor analysis of the SSS resulted in a 34-item, seven-factor solution that explained 68% of the variance. The subscales and coefficient alphas were: Romantic Intimacy Scripts (α = .86), Condom Scripts (α = .82), Alcohol Scripts (α = .83), Sexual Initiation Scripts (α = .79), Media Sexual Socialization Scripts (α = .84), Marijuana Scripts (α = .85), and Sexual Experimentation Scripts (α = .84). Among men who reported a main partner (n = 401), higher Alcohol Scripts, Media Sexual Socialization Scripts, and Marijuana Scripts scores, and lower Condom Scripts scores were related to more sexual risk behavior. Among men who reported at least one casual partner (n = 238), higher Romantic Intimacy Scripts, Sexual Initiation Scripts, and Media Sexual Socialization Scripts, and lower Condom Scripts scores were related to higher sexual risk. The SSS may have considerable utility for future research on Black heterosexual men's HIV risk.

People's perceptions about health risks, including their risk of acquiring HIV, are impacted in part by who they see portrayed as at risk in the media. Viewers in these cases are asking themselves "do those portrayed as at risk look like me?" An accurate perception of risk is critical for high-risk populations, who already suffer from a range of health disparities. Yet, to date no study has evaluated the demographic representation of health-related content from social media. The objective of this case study was to apply automated image recognition software to examine the demographic profile of faces in Instagram posts containing the hashtag #HIV (obtained from January 2017 through July 2018) and compare this to the demographic breakdown of those most at risk of a new HIV diagnosis (estimates of incidence of new HIV diagnoses from the 2017 US Centers for Disease Control HIV Surveillance Report). We discovered 26,766 Instagram posts containing #HIV authored in American English with 10,036 (37.5%) containing a detectable human face with a total of 18,227 faces (mean = 1.8, standard deviation [SD] = 1.7). Faces skewed older (47% vs. 11% were 35-39 years old), more female (41% vs. 19%), more white (43% vs. 26%), less black (31% vs 44%), and less Hispanic (13% vs 25%) on Instagram than for new HIV diagnoses. The results were similarly skewed among the subset of #HIV posts mentioning pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). This disparity might lead Instagram users to potentially misjudge their own HIV risk and delay prophylactic behaviors. Social media managers and organic advocates should be encouraged to share images that better reflect at-risk populations so as not to further marginalize these populations and to reduce disparity in risk perception. Replication of our methods for additional diseases, such as cancer, is warranted to discover and address other misrepresentations.

Many adolescents and young adults hold erroneous beliefs that cigarillos and waterpipe tobacco (WT) are safer than cigarettes, contributing to use. Communication campaigns can correct misperceptions and increase risk beliefs. We tested point-of-sale (POS) communication campaigns focused on chemical exposure for cigarillos and WT. We conducted two cluster randomized trials at 20 gas stations with convenience stores (10 stores for cigarillos, 10 for WT) in North Carolina between June and November 2017. Within each trial, stores were randomly assigned to either the intervention (campaign messages displayed) or a no message control condition. We conducted intercept surveys with repeated cross-sectional samples of 50 adolescents and young adults (ages 16-25) per store, at baseline and follow-up. There were 978 participants (mean age = 20.9 years) in the cigarillo trial, and 998 participants (mean age = 21.0 years) in the WT trial. Rates of campaign exposure were low (26% for cigarillos; 24.3% for WT). The cigarillo campaign increased knowledge that ammonia is in cigarillo smoke (p < .01). There were also significant increases in knowledge about ammonia and cyanide in cigarillo smoke and arsenic in WT smoke (p < .05) in the sub-sample who reported exposure to the campaign. No differences were found in outcome expectancies, product attitudes, worry about chemical exposure, or behavioral intentions in either campaign. Garnering attention for communication campaigns in saturated POS environments, often dominated by tobacco advertising, is challenging. Our study demonstrates the feasibility of anti-tobacco campaigns at the POS and points to several lessons learned for future POS campaigns.

The strategies that experts have used to share information about social causes have historically been top-down, meaning the most influential messages are believed to come from planned events and campaigns. However, more people are independently engaging with social causes today than ever before, in part because online platforms allow them to instantaneously seek, create, and share information. In some cases this "organic advocacy" may rival or even eclipse top-down strategies. Big data analytics make it possible to rapidly detect public engagement with social causes by analyzing the same platforms from which organic advocacy spreads. To demonstrate this claim we evaluated how Leonardo DiCaprio's 2016 Oscar acceptance speech citing climate change motivated global English language news (Bloomberg Terminal news archives), social media (Twitter postings) and information seeking (Google searches) about climate change. Despite an insignificant increase in traditional news coverage (54%; 95%CI: -144 to 247), tweets including the terms "climate change" or "global warming" reached record highs, increasing 636% (95%CI: 573-699) with more than 250,000 tweets the day DiCaprio spoke. In practical terms the "DiCaprio effect" surpassed the daily average effect of the 2015 Conference of the Parties (COP) and the Earth Day effect by a factor of 3.2 and 5.3, respectively. At the same time, Google searches for "climate change" or "global warming" increased 261% (95%CI, 186-335) and 210% (95%CI 149-272) the day DiCaprio spoke and remained higher for 4 more days, representing 104,190 and 216,490 searches. This increase was 3.8 and 4.3 times larger than the increases observed during COP's daily average or on Earth Day. Searches were closely linked to content from Dicaprio's speech (e.g., "hottest year"), as unmentioned content did not have search increases (e.g., "electric car"). Because these data are freely available in real time our analytical strategy provides substantial lead time for experts to detect and participate in organic advocacy while an issue is salient. Our study demonstrates new opportunities to detect and aid agents of change and advances our understanding of communication in the 21st century media landscape.