Glossa Psycholinguistics

This study focuses on inter-individual convergence effects in the perception and categorization of speech sounds. We ask to what extent two listeners can come to establish a shared set of categorization criteria in a phoneme identification task that they accomplish together. Several hypotheses  are  laid  out  in  the  framework  of  a  Bayesian  model  of  speech  perception  that  we  have  developed  to  account  for  how  two  listeners  may  each  infer  the  parameters  that  govern  their partner’s responses. In our experimental paradigm, participants were asked to perform a joint  phoneme  identification  task  with  a  partner  that,  unbeknownst  to  them,  was  an  artificial  agent, whose responses we manipulated along two dimensions, the location of the categorical boundary and the slope of the identification function. Convergence was found to arise for bias but not for slope. Numerical simulations suggested that lack of convergence in slope may stem from the listeners’ prior level of confidence in the variance in VOT for the two phonemic categories. This study sheds new light on perceptual convergence between listeners in the categorization of speech sounds, a phenomenon that has received little attention so far in spite of its central importance for speech communication.

Linguists have often observed that the sense extensions in polysemous words follow patterns. Yet, these patterns have rarely been quantified, and it is unknown whether language users are sensitive to them. We developed four regularity metrics, focusing in this initial study on metaphor patterns that apply to nouns. We further tested adult English speakers’ capacity to understand new senses in an acceptability judgement task. We compared novel senses that followed a metaphor pattern against novel senses that did not respect any pattern. Our results showed that novel senses were judged as more acceptable when they were part of a polysemy pattern as opposed to when they were not. We also assessed whether acceptability judgements were influenced by the degree of regularity of the pattern that they follow. The results confirmed the psychological validity of degree of regularity as a measure: the more regular the polysemy pattern, the more acceptable the new sense following that pattern. Regularity metrics that captured the consistency with which a pattern is instantiated were more successful in predicting acceptability ratings than regularity metrics that captured the number of times a pattern is instantiated. These results motivate future psycholinguistic studies investigating the influence of regularity on learning, processing, and storage of polysemes in a more nuanced way than has been possible previously.

How do alternative forms of reference to individuals—first, last, and full names—guide inferences about the gender of the referent? Given distributional correspondences between English first names and gender, first names provide probabilistic information about an individual's gender. While English last names do not vary with gender, men are more likely to be referred to by last name alone. Across four experiments, we demonstrate that inferences about gender are shaped by a persistent bias to infer that people are male, along with probabilistic information carried by the first name. When an individual was introduced by last name alone, participants overwhelmingly used he to subsequently refer to the person, suggesting that participants inferred that the person was male. This bias was still present when the individual was introduced using a first or full name, with participants less likely to use she than the distributional characteristics of the first names would predict. When explicitly asked to recall an individual’s gender who was introduced by last name alone, participants preferentially responded that the person was male. This bias persisted even when the person was introduced using a first or full name. Repeated reference attenuated, but did not eliminate, this bias. We discuss implications for models of how world knowledge is linked to language use.

Within the psycholinguistic literature, there has been a longstanding debate regarding whether we resolve syntactic parsing ambiguities via universal or language-specific biases. The present study investigates attachment biases in the online parsing of ‘relative clause’ (RC) attachment in Italian with respect to pseudorelative (PR) availability. Following the PR account Grillo (2012), languages are assumed to universally prefer local attachment. When languages appear to prefer non-local attachment, this is due (at least partially) to the availability of PRs. Specifically, Grillo and Costa (2014) suggest that whenever a string is ambiguous between a PR and a RC, the parser will prefer the PR parse, resulting in apparent non-local attachment. Although there is growing evidence that PR availability indeed affects offline interpretations, few studies have explored this account from an online perspective. Hence, we conducted a self-paced reading task in Italian. In that task, we directly manipulated PR availability and attachment. Reading times for the critical and postcritical regions along with accuracy to comprehension questions were subjected to mixed-effect regressions. Consistent with the PR account, online results indicated a clear bias for local attachment with true RCs. When PRs were available, we observed a non-local bias. Additionally, the present study provides novel evidence in support of the PR-First Hypothesis, as results indicated that the initial preference for PRs may persist and affect the interpretation of even globally disambiguated items.

The general view in syntactic literature is that binding constraints can make antecedents syntactically inaccessible. However, several studies showed that antecedents which are ruled out by syntactic binding constraints still influence online processing of anaphora in some stages, suggesting that a cue-based retrieval mechanism plays a role during anaphora resolution. As in the syntactic literature, in semantic accounts like Discourse Representation Theory (DRT), formal constraints are formulated in terms of accessibility of the antecedent. We explore the discourse inaccessibility postulated in DRT by looking at its role in pronoun resolution of inter-sentential anaphoric relations in four off-line and two eye-tracking experiments. The results of the eye-tracking experiments suggest that accessibility has an effect on pronoun resolution from early on. The study quantifies evidence of inaccessible antecedents affecting pronoun resolution and shows that almost all evidence points to the conclusion that discourse-inaccessible antecedents are ruled out for pronoun resolution in processing. The only potential counter-example to this claim is also detected, but remains only as anecdotal evidence even after combining data from both eye-tracking studies. The findings in the study show that accessibility plays a significant role in the processing of pronoun resolution in a way which is potentially challenging for the cue-based retrieval mechanism. The paper argues that discourse accessibility can help expand the theories of retrieval beyond the syntactic and sentence-level domain and provides a window into the study of interference in discourse.

Language comprehension involves continuously making predictions about what will be mentioned next. If speakers take these predictions into account, one would expect that they try to be extra clear (e.g., by saying “the girl with the big earrings”) when they are going to say something less predictable. Conversely, speakers do not need to be as clear when the listener already expects the thing that they are about to mention, and can therefore suffice with a pronoun such as she. Previous research testing this hypothesis has found mixed results, with some studies finding that the referent’s predictability in discourse affects pronoun use and others finding that it does not. One explanation might be that speakers are more likely to take predictability into account when there is a co-present addressee who is predicting the next referent. To test this possibility, I conducted a language production experiment in which participants produced spoken continuations of narrative fragments. The fragments were accompanied by pictures that made clear how the story continued. Half of the participants performed the task without anyone else being present, while the other half told the stories to another person, who had to pick out the correct picture. Referent predictability was varied by manipulating the coherence relation in the narrative context. In addition, I calculated a surprisal score for each character in each narrative, as a more direct measure of its predictability. The results showed that with higher predictability, speakers were indeed more likely to use a pronoun than a definite NP to refer to the target character in their continuations. However, it did not matter whether the speaker was telling the stories to a co-present addressee or not. The results are discussed in light of accounts that distinguish between taking the perspective of a specific and that of a hypothetical listener.

Two experiments test how college students use nonbinary they to refer to a single and specific person whose pronouns are they/them, e.g., “Alex played basketball on the neighborhood court. At one point they made a basket,” compared to matched stories about characters with binary (she/her or he/him) pronouns. Experiment 1 shows that for both types of pronouns, people use pronouns more in a one-person than a two-person context. In both experiments, people produce nonbinary they at least as frequently as binary pronouns, suggesting that any difficulty does not result in pronoun avoidance in spoken language, even though it does in written language (Arnold et al., 2022). Nevertheless, there is evidence that nonbinary they is somewhat difficult, in that people made gender errors on about 9% of trials, and they used a more acoustically prominent and disfluent-sounding pronunciation for nonbinary pronouns than binary pronouns. However, exposure  to  they  in  the  context  of  the  experiment  had  no  effect  on  frequency,  accuracy,  or  pronunciation of pronouns. This provides the first evidence of how nonbinary they is used in a naturalistic storytelling context and shows that while it poses some minor difficulties, it can be used successfully in a supportive context. 

The study investigates the role of constituent order in structural priming. We report the results from a PO/DO priming experiment in German, in which we experimentally manipulated verb position in primes and targets. Significant structural priming effects occurred irrespective of whether verb position was the same in prime and target or not. However, additional similarity in constituent order was able to boost structural priming effects, with significantly stronger priming when the verb occurred in the same position in prime and target. We argue that existing one-stage and two-stage accounts of formulation struggle to account for the entire data pattern and propose an alternative account of formulation which can explain our results.