Human memory retains information related to survival more effectively, termed survival processing effect (SPE). Adaptive memory should also more effectively store reliable information than unreliable information. In an experiment (n=107) we asked whether the SPE depends on the reliability of information encoded by linguistic markers. In Turkish, evidentiality markers encode whether information is gathered firsthand (-miş) or not (-di), and provide cues on source reliability. We found that sentences processed for their relevance to survival were better recalled than those processed for their relevance to moving. This survival processing effect was significant for both direct and indirect evidentiality markers, although it was stronger for direct evidentiality. That SPE persisted in the indirect evidentiality condition suggests survival related information is privileged in encoding even when potentially marked as unreliable by linguistic markers. Thus, the effect of language on memory is not profound but rather computed online.

Process data recording students’ interactions with digital assessment items are available in digital educational assessments and have become a focus of cognitive scientists to analyze inquiry skills during problem solving. This study examines the inquiry behaviors of using tools (i.e., resource tabs) in short response construction items from the 2019 National Assessment of Educational Progress science assessment. We visualized the occurrence times and durations of response construction behaviors and tool use behaviors and conducted correlation analyses and mixed-effects regressions between the count (and duration) of tool use behaviors and item scores. The results reveal that tool use behaviors are significantly associated with item scores and probabilities of finishing the whole block the problem; increasing tool use durations or counts increases the chances of getting higher scores, but it also increases the chances of not finishing the block. This study exemplifies how to use process data to investigate scientific inquiry skills.

Online data collection has become a prominent option due to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is crucial to understand to what extent online studies can be compared with face-to-face studies, particularly in multimodal language research on which the modes of communication have a crucial effect. This study investigated multimodal communication across face-to-face and videoconferencing settings, focusing on gesture production and speech disfluency in a daily routine description task (N=64). Results suggested that overall disfluency rate was higher for those who communicated via videoconferencing than those who communicated face-to-face. The use of specific disfluency types also differed across the two settings, signaling an interplay between cognitive and communicative strategies. Overall gesture frequency and iconic gesture use were comparable across the two settings. Iconic gesture use negatively predicted the overall disfluency rate, regardless of the setting. Using different contexts is required to understand whether multimodal language differs between face-to-face and online communication.

Gestures facilitate speech production by helping speakers reduce cognitive load. Studies on gesture-speech interaction mostly examined the effect of representational gestures on spatial contexts. However, abstract deictics (e.g., pointing at objects that are not visually present) might also have a role in facilitating cognitive processes. The present study investigated the effect of gestures on disfluency rates by presenting a narrative task in three conditions: spontaneous, restricted, and encouraged gesture use. We found that disfluency rates across three conditions did not significantly differ. The use of abstract deictics in the spontaneous gesture use condition was a significant predictor of disfluency rates in the gesture restricted condition. Results indicate that gestures’ facilitative roles might be manifested differently depending on the context. Abstract deictics might also benefit speakers, especially in a narrative context. Studying abstract deictics can provide new insights on gesture and speech production interaction.

Filled pauses (e.g., um) help speakers to maintain a conversational floor with their listener(s). Considered an advanced form of disfluency; they emerge when children obtain some language competency. Bilinguals might frequently produce filled pauses as they are sensitive to communication. This longitudinal study examined Turkish-English bilingual (N=50) and Turkish monolingual (N=48) children's production of filled pauses in L1-Turkish and L2-English narratives. Children in three age groups were recruited in Time1 (5-,7- and 9-year-olds) and Time2 (6-,8- and 10-year-olds) and were asked to narrate a story from a picture book. Results showed that controlling for L1-Turkish proficiency scores, the filled pause frequency in L1-Turkish narratives increased from Time1 to Time2, both for bilinguals and monolinguals for all age groups. We obtained the same findings for bilingual children's English narratives, controlling for English proficiency. We suggest that filled pauses might stem from metacognitive processes, which become more prominent with age.

Computer-based educational assessments often include questions with a drag-and-drop response. Logged data obtainedfrom drag-and-drop responses allow us to go beyond scores, investigating the response strategies test-takers use to reachan answer. There is no previously published research on strategies used by test-takers in answering drag-and-drop ques-tions. We tested 476 MTurk participants under five conditions where key design features of mathematics questions weremanipulated. Regardless of the design manipulations, participants mostly used one of the two possible systematic responsestrategies. Using PRIMs cognitive architecture (Taatgen, 2013), we constructed computational cognitive models to sim-ulate the differences between these two strategies. The models were able to capture participants reaction time patterns.Our conclusion based on the models is that most participants apply a cognitively less demanding strategy by offloadingcognition on action, which is in line with the idea of strategy selection as rational metareasoning (Falk & Griffiths, 2017).

The ability to reason about another person’s mental states, such as belief, desires and knowledge – first-order theory of mind – develops between the ages three and four. On the other hand, children need one or two more years to reason about a person who reasons about another person – secondorder theory of mind. Is it possible to accelerate the development of theory of mind? There are several training studies that showed that it is possible to teach preschool children to pass first-order false belief tasks. However, the literature is missing analogous training effects for school-age children with respect to second-order false belief tasks. In this study, we focus on the role of feedback in the development of second-order false belief reasoning in two different conditions in children between the ages five and six: (i) feedback with explanation, (ii) feedback without explanation. Children’s performance improved in both conditions. Previous theories suggest either that children’s development of second-order theory of mind requires conceptual changes or that 4-5 year old children have cognitive constraints that need to be overcome in order for them to be able to apply second-order theory of mind. In line with our findings, however, we argue that five-year-old children who cannot yet pass the secondorder false belief task reason about the false belief questions based on the reasoning strategy that they most frequently use in daily life (i.e. first-order or zero-order theory of mind). Moreover, we argue that most of the time children can revise their wrong reasoning strategy and change to the correct second-order reasoning strategy based on repeated exposure to the feedback “Correct/Wrong” together with the correct answer.