Professor Salzen presents us with his theory of emotion. At the outsetof his essay he tells us two things of importance for understanding whatis to follow. First, he asks, "Why add another grand theory of emotion?"His answer is that "the very multiplicity of theories suggest that nonehas a central point of view or a deductive or generative principle thatprovides a satisfactory or complete explanation of the phenomena ofemotion" (p. 47), We have some difficulty with such an assertion sincemultiplicity of theories do not, on scientific grounds, mean none arenecessarily satisfactory. An understanding of the property of light requiresat least two theories that happen to have the feature that if oneis true, the other is not. Wave and particle theories of light both serveto explain features of phenomena, and physics does quite well with multipleexplanation, even contradictory ones

Pepper spray and mace are common items used for personal protection and are common “less lethal” options for law enforcement use for crowd control. These agents are irritants with symptoms of exposure ranging from mild pain to potentially permanent ocular injury.

• The recent protests have increased attention on the use of these agents and their potential toxicity.

Over the last several decades, much research has been carried out to determine the cause, progression and prevalence of Age-Related Macular Degeneration which is currently known to be the leading cause of blindness in elderly Americans. By in large, studies have yielded insignificant results. This paper reviews three key areas of research including associations between 1) macular pigment density, 2) omega-3 polyunsaturated fatty acid, 3) antioxidant vitamins (including vitamins C, E and beta-carotene) and the incidence of Age-Related Macular Degeneration. The ensuing discussion attempts to convey to the reader that much of what is understood by the general public about nutritional supplementation and Age-Related Macular Degeneration is at best inconclusive and potentially hazardous.

Since its inception in 1928, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has played a large role in shaping Egyptian politics and society. The 2011 toppling of Hosni Mubarak and the opening up of the political system has led to an increased presence of the movement, with representatives forming a majority in parliament and even winning the powerful presidency. Observers and analysts within and without Egypt continue to have questions about the movement and its motives and perspectives. Fairly or not, the question of the Brotherhood’s stance on women and questions of gender are at the forefront of the debate. Encouraged by the former regime’s propaganda against the opposition movement, as well as the group’s conservative approach, many critics fear that the brotherhood’s ascent will result in a decrease of women’s rights and political participation.

This paper seeks to explore this question through examining the work of one of the movement’s former leaders: Zainab al-Ghazali. Al-Ghazali has bedeviled many observers, as her work within the movement seems to contradict her rhetoric on the role of women within society. While she thrived in the male-dominated sphere of political leadership, she encouraged Muslim women to return to the home and maintain the base of Islamic society: the family. An examination of al-Ghazali’s texts reveals support for women’s rights and participation, but not with the goal of achieving gender equality. Her discourse also displays a connection between conservative gender norms and the postcolonial question of indigenous sovereignty. Understanding this interplay of ideologies not only sheds light on al-Ghazali’s discourse, but also on the ideological roots of the Muslim Brotherhood.