This thesis focuses on the representations and stereotypes of Afrocolombians in the press from 1970 to 1980. The two newspapers used in the study were El Tiempo, the widest circulated paper in the country with its publishing house in the capital, Bogotá, and El País, the most influential paper of the Pacific Coast hailing from the third-largest city in the country, Santiago de Cali. During the 1970s, Black social and political leaders were creating the first congresses focusing on racial discrimination, unequal opportunities, and cultural identifiers for which to promote in the country. However, the majority of Black presence in the press was of mainly how Afrocolombians used their body as athletes, dancers, musicians, and laborers/domestic help. Although the country was promoting mestizaje as its’ national identity, blackness had been largely stigmatized and/or ignored in general ideas of patrimony and citizenship. Therefore, this thesis will show the complexities of how Afrocolombians were represented in the press on a national and regional scale through the lens of el negro permitido: what is permissible or follows in line with historical notions of how blackness has been constructed by a White or Mestizo/a elite.

The findings of this thesis mostly derive from image and text analysis of microfilms of El País and El Tiempo during the 1970s, building on comparative approaches which span many sectors of society and their perspectives and has its strength in clarifying some of the nuances to how racism is produced and understood in a Colombian context. This is significant in the sense that the central government was promoting the nation to be free of racism while reserving these acts of discrimination and inequity of power to the United States. This thesis will explain how racism, through el negro permitido operated, thrived, and continued to normalize Black subordination through a color-blind rhetoric.

The dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990) has left a prominent and polarizing mark on the national memory of Chile. Thirty-three years after the return to democracy, the nation has diverging ideas on how to remember this period. In 2023, as I am writing this thesis, an entire generation has grown up in democratic Chile and personal memories of the military government and the violent coup d’état have begun to fade. In this context, the system of national education becomes a key resource for younger generations to develop and understanding of the history that shapes their present-day lives. After Pinochet was removed from power via plebiscite in 1990 and the first civilian-President inherited the administration, the nation underwent a series of changes. Many of these changes focused on the denouncing of human rights violations which took place during the dictatorship and forging a way forward. There was a notable rise in activism and public interest in this period. Chileans were demanding both truth and justice for the abuses committed by the state during the dictatorship. In this atmosphere of activism and openness, a distinct memory movement is born in Chile, echoing similar conversations taking place across Latin America and in other “transitional” states. The memory movement in Chile specifically fights against the objective of oblivion surrounding the Pinochet years. Many of those fighting for the memory are those who will never be able to forget the traumatic cost of dictatorship; they are the family members and loved ones of those who were tortured, disappeared, or exiled during the dictatorship. These familiares-activistas were also incredibly influential in defeating Pinochet in the 1989 plebiscite. After decades of governments from the left (center) political coalition, La Concertación, the Chilean right gained political ground for the first time since the dictatorship with the presidential election of Sebastián Piñera in 2010 and again in 2018. Under the Piñera administration, I argue, the politics of memory shifted. From the memory narratives established by activists and the governments of Concertación leaders, Piñera’s ministers worked to promote a vague narrative of the dictatorship years. Such a narrative distances specific actors and removes some culpability of the military and right-wing politicians. Thirty some years after the return to democracy and after years of the state promoting ideals of compromiso y conviviencia, present-day memory politics in Chile highlight the continuing and deepening polarization of the country.

This thesis will argue that the Chilean state uses the public education system to continually readjust the portrayal of the memory of the Pinochet dictatorship to match or combat political trends. During the alternating presidencies of Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010, 2014-2018) and Sebastián Piñera (2010-2014, 2018-2022), each administration used K-12 education to promote and promulgate a specific vision of the dictatorship that corresponded with their parties’ political and memorial goals.  

This thesis focuses on differing interpretations of racialized media (mis)representations and its impact within the Peruvian context. This is done through the case studies of two television characters—El Negro Mama and La Paisana Jacinta. In 2010, El Negro Mama faced major criticisms as well as temporary suspension. This is due, in part, to the organization of Afro-Peruvian advocacy group LUNDU, which stated that El Negro Mama is a harmful racist presentation of an Afro-Peruvian man. However, the ethics committee in charge of dealing with such complaints, as well as fans of the show, defended the comedic intent of the character. The same arguments were made in separate instances for La Paisana Jacinta. The longevity of both characters and their shared creator/actor—Jorge Benavides—is pertinent given that Benavides is mestizo and these characters are an Afro-Peruvian man and an Indigenous woman. This not only poses the question of what constitutes racism/discrimination in media, but also how interpretations of violence serve those who fit within the national image that Perú presents. In order to gauge their makeup and direction, each character’s trajectory from 1996 to 2019 is examined through textual analysis. A total of twelve clips were pulled from the shows each character appeared in (all found on YouTube): JB Noticias, El Especial del Humor, El Wasap de JB and La Paisana Jacinta. Six clips were dedicated to each character, with two coming from each show on which they appeared. This study utilizes NVIVO to codify the specific themes/traits that present themselves most frequently: class, conflict, violence, degradation, deviance, otherness, sexuality, stupidity and humor. Additionally, the examination of two distinct case studies concerning the removal of each character from the air is included to explore the differences in interpretation, intent and impact. What I found is that each character is incapable of changing according to the standards of advocacy groups and other organizations. The manner these characters present themselves from 1996 to 2019 remains the same, albeit some modifications to fit the context they existed in. Additionally, each character was found to be extremely stereotypical of each group they indirectly (mis)represent. Despite various forms of evidence, both characters remained protected by private ethics committees that deemed them as unproblematic. This thesis then examines how these committees are permitted to allow such (mis)representations. I make the argument that this is due to the reality imposed on these characters by the audience, a rigid definition of violence, and the overall impact racialized characters have on Peruvian society.

This dissertation proposes a typological theory that identifies more contingent and specific behavioral patterns of DTOs. I identify subtypes of structures of DTOs—hierarchies and wheel networks—and conditions under which diversification of criminal activities occurs. I show that DTOs with hierarchical structures emerge in supply chains of imported illicit drugs engage in risk-averse behavior for laundering money and punish shirkers without resorting to extreme violence. In contrast, DTOs with wheel network structures emerge in supply chains of locally produced illicit drugs, engage in risk-tolerant money laundering activities and punish shirkers using all types of violence. These differences have implications for law enforcement strategies to track and limit DTO activity. Furthermore, I show that targeting kingpins prior to the declaration on the war on crime combined with the later deployment armed forces against the drug trade had the unintended consequence of expanding a market for protection. This market for protection generated opportunities for diversifying criminal activities, such as kidnapping, extortion, and trafficking of illegal goods other than drugs. Wheel network structures enter this market for protection while hierarchical structures generally abstain from diversifying their criminal portfolio. The interaction of structure with the market for protection partially accounts for the diverse levels of violence observed across the country.