Taken from the content of the October 1992 meeting on Space Monitoring and Global Change, the contents of this IGCC paper range from means of assuring global cooperation in earth observation, potential systems and the practical difficulties of assembling and managing such systems.
What follows the Cold War? Even the fact that the question can be asked isastounding. Shall the sequel be "peaceful competition" (Gorbachev), "cold peace and peaceful competition" (The New York Times editorial of August 10, 1987), "stable coexistence" (the American Committee on U. S.-Soviet Relations, including Arthur Macy Cox, William Colby, and George Ball)- or, grudgingly, "steps ... to reconcile vital U. S. and Soviet interests" (Henry Kissinger and Cyrus Vance)? There is dispute and confusion in both camps over what the new relationship is, what to call it. As the American establishment reorganizes its understanding of the world, theAmerican right is not silent. It is therefore useful to monitor the right's reactions to East-West rapprochement. In these notes, I look at the American right's responses to the East-West relaxation marked by the Washington and Moscow summits and the signing of the INF treaty. The discourse of the right in the first half of 1988 offers a preview of how it may be expected to react during the years to come.
The concept of a "nuclear winter" has effected a turn in the discourse on nuclear war, which had long focused on imagery related to the initial blast and immediate after-effects. The paper discusses the origin of the nuclear winter theory and how it has influenced the nuclear debate.
A survey of the work and role of Nuclear Disarmament bodies such as Mothers Embracing Nuclear Disarmament (MEND) and their means of influencing the Nuclear Issue in the west. Based on the assumption that nuclear wars are unwinnable, MEND and similar groups arose during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s to attempt and influence policy from within nations.
This paper traces the way in which "quality papers" such as the Economist helped to convince European opinion leaders of the advantages of President Reagan's so-called Strategic Defense Initiative. The paper proceeds in the following way: It first outlines the presentation of the issue, sketching typical references to SDI and the arguments in favor of it. It then compares the presentation of the protagonists: Reagan as the champion of the free world and Gorbachev as the new representative of Soviet Russia. Finally, it summarizes the metaphors of good and evil.
This paper discusses how the British popular press (tabloids) covered the visit of the British Prime Minister to Moscow for talks with the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, about arms control and other matters of mutual interest. It concentrates on the geopolitical significance of the visit and the coverage--their relevance to the prospects for nuclear arms reductions on both sides of the Iron Curtain.
This document examines the fundamental changes in negotiating techniques and posturing by the United States and USSR that appeared in the days following the Reykjavik conference on nuclear arms. Predictions and prospects follow.
This publication dicusses the interplay between various political factions, the scientific community and the media regarding the rise and decline of the SDI program in the 1980s. It also explores the implications of ABM technologies and the responsibilities of various parties in its development.
"The Soviet threat" has provided a frame of reference for American politics since shortlyafter the end of World War II. Demonstrating, measuring, and responding to "the threat" have been subjects of intense concern and debate. The reality of "the threat" has been taken for granted. The paper examines the origins and reproduction of the Soviet threat" in American politics. This is not an analysis of whether or not the threat is or has been "real." Rather, it is a study of how Americans have come to regard it as real. The distinction is crucial: we are dealing with the sociology of knowledge and the politics of representation. We are interested in seeing how and why a society constructs an enemy.
This article examines the mode of censorship and reportage of atomic damage in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in one of Japan's leading newspapers, the Asahi Shimbun, during the months of August and September 1945, as well as representative cases of censorship during the early years of the Allied Occupation to answer the question of why there was not more immediate "horror and repulsion sweeping over the rest of the world" as predicted by the Franck Report. By going back to the very start of press coverage of atomic damage we hope to be able to shed light on the evolution of nuclear discourse in Japan, and, to a lesser extent, the United States.