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Open Access Publications from the University of California

This series is automatically populated with publications deposited by UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs Department of Social Welfare researchers in accordance with the University of California’s open access policies. For more information see Open Access Policy Deposits and the UC Publication Management System.

Cover page of A Longitudinal Mediation Analysis of the Interrelations among Exclusionary Immigration Policy, Ethnic Identity, and Self-Esteem of Latinx Early Adolescents.

A Longitudinal Mediation Analysis of the Interrelations among Exclusionary Immigration Policy, Ethnic Identity, and Self-Esteem of Latinx Early Adolescents.

(2023)

Little is known about how exclusionary immigration laws affect ethnic identity and self-esteem among Latinx middle school students. Arizonas SB 1070, which required local officers to verify the legal status of detained individuals, garnered national attention for its impact on immigrant and Latinx communities. This study tested a longitudinal parallel multiple mediation model where perceptions of the effects of an exclusionary immigration law (Arizonas SB 1070) on self-esteem were mediated by dimensions of ethnic identity (ethnic centrality, ethnic private regard, ethnic public regard). Data were collected from a two-wave survey of 891 early adolescents ranging in age from 10 to 14 years (M = 12.09 years; SD = 0.99), a majority (71%) of whom were of Mexican descent. Analyses revealed an indirect effect of T1 perceptions of this law on T2 self-esteem (7 months later), holding T1 measures constant, with T2 ethnic centrality, private regard, and public regard acting as mediators. Perceived effects of this exclusionary law led to increased self-esteem through increased dimensions of ethnic identity. Results reveal how ethnic identity functions as a multidimensional construct in the process through which exclusionary immigration policy may impact the self-esteem of Latinx early adolescents.

Cover page of United States Youth Arrest and Health Across the Life Course: A Nationally Representative Longitudinal Study.

United States Youth Arrest and Health Across the Life Course: A Nationally Representative Longitudinal Study.

(2023)

Background

Youth are arrested at high rates in the United States; however, long-term health effects of arrest remain unmeasured. We sought to describe the sociodemographic characteristics and health of adults who were arrested at various ages among a nationally representative sample.

Methods

Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we describe sociodemographics and health status in adolescence (Wave I, ages 12-21) and adulthood (Wave V, ages 32-42) for people first arrested at age younger than 14 years, 14 to 17 years, and 18 to 24 years, compared to never arrested adults. Health measures included physical health (general health, mobility/functional limitations, death), mental health (depressive symptoms, suicidal thoughts), and clinical biomarkers (hypertension, diabetes). We estimate associations between age of first arrest and health using covariate adjusted regressions.

Results

Among the sample of 10,641 adults, 28.5% had experienced arrest before age 25. Individuals first arrested as children (ie, age <14) were disproportionately Black, compared to White. Compared to individuals never arrested, people arrested before age 25 had more depressive symptoms and higher rates of suicidal thoughts during adolescence. Arrest before age 25 was associated with worse self-reported health, higher rates of functional limitations, more depressive symptoms, and greater mortality by adulthood (ages 32-42).

Conclusions

Arrest before age 25 was associated with worse physical and mental health--and even death in adulthood. Child arrest was disproportionately experienced by Black children. Reducing arrests of youth may be associated with improved health across the life course, particularly among Black youth, thereby promoting health equity.

Cover page of An eighteen-year longitudinal examination of school victimization and weapon use in California secondary schools.

An eighteen-year longitudinal examination of school victimization and weapon use in California secondary schools.

(2023)

Background

School safety has been a major public health issue in the United States and internationally for more than three decades. Many policies and programs have been developed and implemented to prevent school violence, improve the school climate, and increase safety. There are only a few peer-reviewed studies of changes in school violence over time. The study examined changes over time in school victimization, weapon involvement and school climate, comparing change trajectories by gender and race and different change trajectories among schools.

Methods

A longitudinal study of the biennial California Healthy Kids Survey in secondary schools from 2001 to 2019. The representative sample included 6,219,166 students in grades 7, 9, and 11 (48.8% male) from 3253 schools (66% high schools).

Results

All victimization and weapon involvement items had significant and substantial linear reductions. The largest reduction involved being in a physical fight (from 25.4% to 11.0%). There were reductions in weapon involvement (d = 0.46) and victimization (d = 0.38). Biased-based victimization only declined slightly (d = -0.05). School belongingness and safety increased (d = 0.27), adult support increased a small amount (d = 0.05), and student participation declined (d = -0.10). Changes were smallest among White students. Ninety-five percent of the schools showed the same pattern of reductions.

Conclusions

The findings are in contrast to the public's concerns that school violence is a growing problem. Reductions in school violence may result from social investment in school safety. A distinction should be made between school shootings and other forms of school violence.

Cover page of Inequities in Child Protective Services Contact Between Black and White Children.

Inequities in Child Protective Services Contact Between Black and White Children.

(2023)

Child protective services (CPS) contact occurs at substantially higher rates among Black than White families. The present study considers systemic racism as a central driver of this disparity and emphasizes racialized poverty as a possible mechanism. We used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study and logistic regression analyses to assess the associations between income poverty, a racialized experience, and CPS contact, separately among Black and White families. Results indicated that income poverty was a significant predictor of CPS contact among White families, who were protected by higher income. In contrast, income per se was not a significant predictor of CPS contact among Black families, who were instead impacted by racialized family regulation and consequences of poverty, such as poor health and depression. Refundable state Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) policies were protective for Black families, and more expansive Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) programs decreased CPS contact for Black and White families. Implications include centering systemic racism and specifically racialized poverty as causes of racial inequities in CPS contact and rethinking the role of CPS in protecting children.

Cover page of Implementing Triple P during the COVID-19 pandemic with families at risk for substance use.

Implementing Triple P during the COVID-19 pandemic with families at risk for substance use.

(2022)

Background

Many studies have examined the Positive Parenting Program (Triple P), yet few have considered its effectiveness during the twin challenges of the opioid crisis and COVID-19 pandemic.

Objective

This study examines the implementation of, and parenting outcomes associated with the Positive Parenting Program (Triple P) in 13 counties in central Ohio.

Participants and setting

The program was provided to parents who were at heightened risk for substance use. From July 2020 through June 2021, 890 parents received services from Triple P.

Methods

Parents completed pre- and post-test assessments of protective factors within their families and parenting behaviors. Parents also participated in qualitative interviews regarding their experiences in the program.

Conclusions

Overall, the results were promising, with improvements seen in family functioning/resilience, nurturing and attachment, parental laxness, and parental over-reactivity. Parents reported positive experiences participating in the program and felt that their relationship with their child had improved. Despite the profound, recent challenges to parenting and service provision, Triple P continues to show promise as an approach to reducing child maltreatment. Expansion of Triple P to other areas may improve parenting behaviors and reduce child maltreatment among parents at risk for substance use.

Cover page of What kind of "poverty" predicts CPS contact: Income, material hardship, and differences among racialized groups.

What kind of "poverty" predicts CPS contact: Income, material hardship, and differences among racialized groups.

(2022)

BACKGROUND AND PURPOSE: Child protective services (CPS) contact is consistently linked with poverty in the US, and empirical evidence is mounting to indicate that disparate exposure to income poverty explains a substantial portion of racial inequities in CPS involvement. Evidence about the different distributions of income poverty and material hardship also suggests that income poverty may not sufficiently capture economic wellbeing among families. This paper assessed whether differences in exposure to income poverty and/or material hardship explain racial inequities in CPS contact and further examined whether income poverty and material hardship predict CPS contact differently within racialized groups. METHODS: We used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS), an urban cohort representative of births in large US cities in 1998–2000. The FFCWS data are ideal for this study in capturing each of the key constructs: racialized group membership, income, material hardship, and CPS contact. We measured income poverty and material hardship when children were age 1 and measured any CPS contact by age five. Our final sample included 3,517 families, including 1,848 Black, 614 white, and 1,055 Latinx families. We employed logistic regression to assess the associations between income poverty and material hardship, independently and jointly, and CPS contact. We conducted analyses in our full analytic sample and among subsamples of the Black, white, and Latinx families. RESULTS: We found that differences in income-to-poverty ratio account for differences in CPS contact between Black and white families. Differences in CPS contact between Black and Latinx families were not explained by economic wellbeing measures alone but were ameliorated when differences in income poverty, material hardship, and a full set of family characteristics were considered. Additionally, we found that material hardship was a consistent predictor of CPS contact in the full sample and within each of the Black, white, and Latinx subsamples, even accounting for differences in income and other family characteristics. CONCLUSIONS: The clear role of income poverty in explaining inequities in CPS contact between Black and white families and the consistent importance of material hardship in predicting CPS contact across all families underscore the critical importance of reducing income poverty and hardship and of distinguishing material need from maltreatment in the context of CPS. Our findings offer clear implications for policy intervention to reduce income poverty and material hardship. Such interventions might include extending the temporarily expanded Child Tax Credit and expanded food and housing assistance benefits, toward the ends of supporting child and family wellbeing and reducing economic and racial inequities in CPS contact.

Cover page of Bills, babies, and (language) barriers: Associations among economic strain, parenting, and primary language during the newborn period.

Bills, babies, and (language) barriers: Associations among economic strain, parenting, and primary language during the newborn period.

(2022)

Objective

The goal of this study was to examine associations among economic strain, parenting self-efficacy, parenting satisfaction, and parent primary language in a universally low-income sample of parents with newborns.

Background

Previous research links increased economic strain to lower levels of parenting self-efficacy and parenting satisfaction among socioeconomically diverse parents with older children. Little research has examined whether primary language shapes the associations among economic strain, parenting self-efficacy, and parenting satisfaction.

Method

Parents (n = 194, M age = 30.91) completed self-report surveys measuring economic strain, parenting self-efficacy, and parenting satisfaction. Parents' ethnic self-identification and primary language were used to stratify parents into three groups: Latinx Spanish speakers, Latinx English speakers, and non-Latinx English speakers.

Results

Regression analyses revealed that economic strain was negatively associated with both parenting self-efficacy and parenting satisfaction. Further, the negative association between economic strain and parenting self-efficacy was stronger for Latinx Spanish speakers.

Conclusion

Economic strain may negatively influence parenting self-efficacy and parenting satisfaction during the newborn period. Parents whose primary language is Spanish may be disproportionately affected by economic strain.

Implications

Parents of newborns may benefit from increased economic supports in linguistically responsive pediatric care and social service settings.

Cover page of "I Have Nowhere to Go": A Multiple-Case Study of Transgender and Gender Diverse Youth, Their Families, and Healthcare Experiences.

"I Have Nowhere to Go": A Multiple-Case Study of Transgender and Gender Diverse Youth, Their Families, and Healthcare Experiences.

(2021)

Transgender and gender diverse (TGD) youth experience health disparities due to stigma and victimization. Gender-affirming healthcare mitigates these challenges; yet, we have limited understanding of TGD youth's healthcare experiences in the U.S. Midwest and South. Using a multiple case study design, we aimed to develop an in-depth and cross-contextual understanding of TGD youth healthcare experiences in one Midwestern state. Families with a TGD child under 18 were recruited with the goal of cross-case diversity by child age, gender, race, and/or region of the state; we obtained diversity in child age and region only. Four white families with TGD boys or non-binary youth (4-16) in rural, suburban, and small towns participated in interviews and observations for one year; public data were collected from each family's community. Thematic analysis was used within and across cases to develop both family-level understanding and identify themes across families. Findings include a summary of each family as it relates to their child's TGD healthcare experiences as well as the themes identified across cases: accessibility and affirming care. Although limited by a small sample with lack of gender and race diversity, this study contributes to our understanding of TGD youth healthcare in understudied regions.

Cover page of Insurance- and medical provider-related barriers and facilitators to staying on PrEP: results from a qualitative study

Insurance- and medical provider-related barriers and facilitators to staying on PrEP: results from a qualitative study

(2021)

Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a highly effective biobehavioral strategy for preventing HIV acquisition. Although PrEP uptake has increased steadily, discontinuation rates are high among members of key populations like gay and bisexual men (GBM). Understanding the challenges that arise for PrEP users is key to better PrEP implementation and sustained use over time. We report on barriers that arose for PrEP-using GBM, as well as facilitating factors that aided PrEP persistence, with the goal of informing PrEP implementation efforts. In 2015-2016, 103 PrEP-using GBM in NYC completed qualitative interviews about their engagement with PrEP, including their experiences navigating PrEP-related medical care. Interviews were transcribed verbatim, coded, and analyzed thematically. Over half of participants (53%) received their PrEP-related care from their primary care provider (PCP), one-third (33%) from a community-based health clinic, and 13% from multiple medical providers. Emergent themes regarding the barriers and facilitators to PrEP persistence fell into two categories: insurance- and medical appointment-related barriers and facilitators to continued PrEP use. The experiences of PrEP-using GBM can provide useful insights for providers, program developers, and policymakers aiming to improve the implementation of PrEP. To support PrEP persistence, reliable insurance coverage, cost-assistance, and easy appointment scheduling are key to maintenance. Removing insurance- and appointment-related barriers to persistence may prove essential for sustaining use among GBM.

Cover page of Support for Transgender Military Service from Active Duty United States Military Personnel.

Support for Transgender Military Service from Active Duty United States Military Personnel.

(2021)

Introduction

Most transgender individuals are banned from serving in and joining the U.S. military. Historically, exclusions and limits have been placed on women, people of color, and sexual minority people seeking to serve and advance within the U.S. military. However, both history and prior research demonstrate that diversity contributes to social and institutional advancement within both U.S. and international militaries.

Methods

We used an adapted respondent-driven sampling (RDS) approach to recruit transgender and cisgender heterosexual and LGB active duty military members in a first-of-its-kind study funded by the Department of Defense. We recruited 540 active duty service members serving one of the four major branches of the U.S. military between August 2017 and March 2018. We examined data from 486 heterosexual cisgender and LGB cisgender service members to understand their support for transgender people serving in the U.S. military.

Results

Findings indicate broad support for transgender military service across all four branches of the military and military ranks, with some statistically significant differences in support emerging by gender, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity.

Discussion

Results suggest that the ban, in part, based on a belief that transgender service members degrade unit readiness, contradicts our findings of broad support for transgender service among active duty service members.

Policy implications

Policies limiting transgender service in the U.S. military should be lifted given these data.