College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences

Background and objectives

Research design and methods

Results

Discussion and implications

This article reassesses the classic thesis linking the globalization of production to union decline. Our argument is three-fold. First, prior literature does not appreciate how the exchange conditions characterizing global value chain (GVC) relations between leading firms in rich democracies and supplier firms in less developed countries (LDCs) can undermine unionization through trade. Second, the worldwide entrenchment of GVCs as an organizational form over time, and cross-national variation in the strength and scope of two key labor market institutions (wage-coordination and Ghent systems), should moderate the effect of LDC trade on unionization. Third, trade with LDCs is endogenous in models of union decline, because high unionization often leads to offshoring. Empirically, we use an instrumental variable (IV) design and a panel dataset covering the longest historical period studied to date. IV estimates suggest that trade with LDCs reduces unionization in rich democracies; these estimates are nearly three times as large as results obtained by OLS, and they increase in size as GVCs entrench worldwide. Estimates also weaken in countries with highly coordinated wage-setting institutions and Ghent systems. Nevertheless, conditional effects and counterfactual histories suggest that GVCs cause union decline even in countries with the most union-friendly institutions, and were more important for union decline overall than either wage-coordination or Ghent systems.

Abstract: People migrate from authoritarian to democratic regimes seeking greater freedom of expression, yet many continue to avoid politics in their host country. This study examines how Chinese international students in the United States navigate political taboos across borders and why they still avoid political expression despite newfound freedoms. Drawing on participant observations and 93 in-depth interviews with Chinese students at two American universities and one Chinese university, I find that students develop three avoidance strategies—pragmatic disengagement, veiled allegiance, and closeted activism—as they navigate two distinct fields of political taboos. In China’s “forbidden zone,” where state-imposed taboos are intuitively understood but constantly shifting, avoidance is largely habitual—students perceive politics as dangerous and irrelevant, frame patriotism in apolitical terms, or engage in activism discreetly to avoid repression. After migrating to the US “landmine zone,” where political taboos are decentralized, scattered, and socially enforced, these tactics evolve—students pretend to be apathetic to sidestep ideological pressure, downplay nationalism to prevent conflict, and confine activism to trusted circles to evade peer, institutional, or transnational consequences. This study bridges political sociology and migration studies by challenging the activism bias in transnational politics and the assumption of unilateral political incorporation. It also calls for a reassessment of educational institutions’ roles in sustaining or challenging the culture of avoidance.

ABSTRACT: What does it mean to be cosmopolitan, or a global citizen? Often perceived as a privileged state of cultural consumption and mobility, cosmopolitanism is frequently critiqued as a new form of social stratification and discussed in relation to nationalism. This article reconceptualizes cosmopolitanism by foregrounding its moral and affective dimensions, framing it as both an ethical, deliberate practice and a forced adaptation to structural constraints. Drawing on interviews with 60 Chinese international students in the United States, I identify two distinct forms: activist cosmopolitanism, marked by moral engagement and collective activism, and cynical cosmopolitanism, characterized by individual autonomy, skepticism, and emotional detachment. Both emerge from shared experiences of liberal arts education, community engagement, and relational assimilation, but diverge in response to discrimination, residential mobility, and gendered adversity across sending and receiving contexts, with consequences for mental health. Lacking communal support, cynical cosmopolitans adopt individualist coping strategies and may develop a stance of “non-identity” as a protective mechanism. This study challenges dominant views of cosmopolitanism as either elite capital or a natural outcome of mobility. It highlights how Chinese students, despite their privileged status, can cultivate varied forms of cosmopolitan orientations, offering new insight into their potential for global social change.

Objective: To discuss the engagement of patients and stakeholders (ie, faculty, staff, healthcare providers, and university administrators) in capacity building activities to prepare for future patient-centered research on collegiate recovery. Participants: 502 attended capacity building activities and provided input on priorities for future research in collegiate recovery and 77 participated in the deliberative democracy forum process. Methods: We used surveys and the deliberative democracy forum method, which includes framing sessions and forums for data collection. This method enables individuals with diverse backgrounds to share and learn about differing viewpoints to build consensus for decision making. Results: Forum participants prioritized barriers to recovery for future research and discussed the need to address diversity in collegiate recovery programs, including racial/ethnic diversity in the student recovery population and diversity in pathways to recovery, to decrease barriers to recovery. Conclusions: Institutional support for research on collegiate recovery is critical to move the field forward.

Women are under-represented in political leadership roles, comprising only a quarter of national parliament members across the world. This is surprising, given women's comparatively high level of education and labor force participation. Why has women's political leadership lagged behind other indicators of gender equality? In this study, we revisit the importance of gender attitudes and examine the extent to which they shape women's share of parliament. Prior studies either examine gender attitudes by relying on cross-sectional research designs with small samples or adopt proxy measures that serve as crude indicators of gender ideology. We overcome these limitations by directly measuring gender attitudes from the World Values Survey and European Values Study, while adopting a panel design with a larger sample of countries and a more comprehensive set of controls. Drawing from our dataset of 275 observations across 101 countries during the 1995-2021 period, we find that our attitudinal measure, gender egalitarianism, wipes away most of the observed differences in women's share of parliament between world regions. Moreover, when we add two-way fixed effects, we find that a one-unit increase in a country's gender egalitarianism score is associated with an increase in women's parliament share by about four or five percentage points. Finally, we address concerns about endogeneity by replicating our results using two-stage least squares models with fixed effects. Overall, our findings suggest that gender ideology helps account for the growing success and persistent obstacles faced by women political candidates across the world.