Professor Salzen presents us with his theory of emotion. At the outsetof his essay he tells us two things of importance for understanding whatis to follow. First, he asks, "Why add another grand theory of emotion?"His answer is that "the very multiplicity of theories suggest that nonehas a central point of view or a deductive or generative principle thatprovides a satisfactory or complete explanation of the phenomena ofemotion" (p. 47), We have some difficulty with such an assertion sincemultiplicity of theories do not, on scientific grounds, mean none arenecessarily satisfactory. An understanding of the property of light requiresat least two theories that happen to have the feature that if oneis true, the other is not. Wave and particle theories of light both serveto explain features of phenomena, and physics does quite well with multipleexplanation, even contradictory ones
To show how inclusionary zoning alters development, the author finds the most profitable housing design to build on vacant lots at each location in a monocentric city under different regulatory regimes. Section 1 sets up the model by specifying renter's preferences, geography and building parameters. Section 2 solves the developer's profit-maximization problem at each location under each regime. Finally, in Section 3, a numerical simulation confirms the effects predicted by theory and gives a picture of their magnitude.
In this article I argue that Theodor Adorno’s most timely and important contributions to contemporary politics are captured in his writings on pedagogy, education, and school reform. His work on education cannot be read separately from an engagement with either his philosophy or his aesthetics but rather as the nodal point through which the latter two become socially transformative. Here I chart the internal relations among philosophy, aesthetics, and education through their shared rejection of fascist resentment. While Adorno’s aesthetics map out the psychology of fascism as the antagonist of democratic virtues, it is through pedagogy that fascist social violence, amnesia, and racism are to be combated.
It has been documented that retail gasoline prices respond more quickly to increases in wholesale price than to decreases. However, there is very little theoretical or empirical evidence identifying the market characteristics responsible for this behavior. This paper presents a new theoretical model of asymmetric adjustment that empirically matches observed retail gasoline price behavior better than previously suggested explanations. I develop a “reference price” consumer search model that assumes consumers’ expectations of prices are based on prices observed during previous purchases. The model predicts that consumers search less when prices are falling. This reduced search results in higher profit margins and a slower price response to cost changes than when margins are low and prices are increasing. Following the predictions of the theory, I use a panel of gas station prices to estimate the response pattern of prices to a change in costs. Unlike previous empirical studies I focus on how profit margins (in addition to the direction of the cost change) affect the speed of price response. Estimates are consistent with the predictions of the reference price search model, and appear to contradict previously suggested explanations of asymmetric adjustment.
Since its inception in 1928, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has played a large role in shaping Egyptian politics and society. The 2011 toppling of Hosni Mubarak and the opening up of the political system has led to an increased presence of the movement, with representatives forming a majority in parliament and even winning the powerful presidency. Observers and analysts within and without Egypt continue to have questions about the movement and its motives and perspectives. Fairly or not, the question of the Brotherhood’s stance on women and questions of gender are at the forefront of the debate. Encouraged by the former regime’s propaganda against the opposition movement, as well as the group’s conservative approach, many critics fear that the brotherhood’s ascent will result in a decrease of women’s rights and political participation.
This paper seeks to explore this question through examining the work of one of the movement’s former leaders: Zainab al-Ghazali. Al-Ghazali has bedeviled many observers, as her work within the movement seems to contradict her rhetoric on the role of women within society. While she thrived in the male-dominated sphere of political leadership, she encouraged Muslim women to return to the home and maintain the base of Islamic society: the family. An examination of al-Ghazali’s texts reveals support for women’s rights and participation, but not with the goal of achieving gender equality. Her discourse also displays a connection between conservative gender norms and the postcolonial question of indigenous sovereignty. Understanding this interplay of ideologies not only sheds light on al-Ghazali’s discourse, but also on the ideological roots of the Muslim Brotherhood.