For individuals identifying with a marginalized group, having a high ethnic identity can be protective against the negative effects of discrimination. It is not yet clear, however, whether this protection extends to members of groups with multiple marginalized identities. This study used data from the Hispanic Community Health Study/Study of Latinos (HCHS/SOL) Sociocultural Ancillary Study (N = 183) to test whether ethnic identity buffered the adverse effects of discrimination on three types of perceived stress for Afro-Latinos living in the U.S. Hierarchical regression analyses indicated that ethnic identity did not moderate the association of discrimination with general perceived stress nor extrafamilial stress for this sample. However, a moderation effect was observed for the association of discrimination with intrafamilial stress [b =-0.63; t(182)=-2.09, CIb (-1.22, -0.03), p=.038]. Specifically, when relatively low or average levels of ethnic identity were endorsed, discrimination positively predicted intrafamilial stress; when ethnic identity was high, discrimination did not significantly predict intrafamilial stress. These results indicate that a high ethnic identity can be protective for Afro-Latinos living in the U.S. and highlight the importance of better understanding how individuals with multiple marginalized identities can develop a high ethnic identity in the face of discrimination.

Racial discrimination is a pervasive life stressor faced by many people of color (Brondolo, ver Halen, Pencille, Beatty & Contrada, 2009) that has been associated with negative psychological and physical health outcomes for Black Americans (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). Psychological research theorizes social support to be a potent buffer against the negative effects of stress on health (Cohen, 2004; Taylor, 2011). For Black Americans, however, social support’s role in buffering health against the negative effects of racism is less clear. These equivocal findings may be because researchers do not know much about the complex dynamics of effective social support in the context of racism.

Two studies examined the role of same- and cross-race friends in social support exchanges, and whether that social support benefitted Black Americans’ emotional wellbeing. Study 1 examined which friends 31 Black Americans (Mage=19.7, SD=1.70; 74% women) sought for social support in response to racism, and whether they found it helpful. Participants completed measures of perceived discrimination, perceived social support, and emotional closeness with their same- and cross-race friends, and participated in semi-structured focus group interviews discussing racism and social support. Findings revealed that participants reported more emotional closeness to Black friends and non-Black friends of color relative to White friends. Furthermore, 65% of participants reported preferring social support from Black friends to non-Black friends because of their increased ability to understand racism. Study 2 examined how support provision and responsiveness (i.e., feeling understood) provided in same-race (ndyad=16) and cross-race (ndyad=30) dyadic friendship interactions impacted Black participants emotional wellbeing. Actor-partner interdependence models found that receiving social support increased Black participants’ emotional closeness to their same- and cross-race friends and decreased participants’ feelings of negative emotions. Responsiveness in same-race interactions, however, increased feelings of negative emotions. This finding may suggest that responsiveness and social support serve different functions in contexts where both friends are negatively impacted by a chronic stressor like racism, and talking about it becomes emotionally draining because there is little recourse to eliminate the stressor. Altogether, the current studies suggest that social support in response to racism does benefit Black Americans’ emotional wellbeing.

Despite low socioeconomic status and lack of resources, Latinas are found to have better-than-expected birth outcomes, which deteriorate with higher US acculturation. In addition, as the incidence of obesity rises amongst Latinas, it is necessary to study this acculturation paradox in the context of obesity. The purpose of this study was to examine the association between US acculturation and poor birth outcomes, particularly examining preterm birth and/or low birth weight (PTLBW), in a sample of Mexican origin women. Furthermore, the differential effect of obesity on the association between acculturation and birth outcomes was examined.

This was a longitudinal observational study using data from the Study for Hispanic Acculturation, Reproduction, and the Environment (SHARE). Participants were 1,062 pregnant women recruited from six Obstetrics and Gynecology Clinics in San Joaquin County, California between 1999 and 2001. The majority of women were of Mexican descent at varying lengths of US residency. Logistic regression analysis was used to examine the associations among acculturation, obesity and poor birth outcomes.

Results demonstrated a significant association between US acculturation and PTLBW such that moderately acculturated women had over three times the odds of experiencing PTLBW, while low and highly acculturated women did not show an increased risk. In moderately acculturated women who were also obese, their chance of PTLBW decreased, indicating that obesity acted as a buffer for PTLBW. This effect was not demonstrated in low or highly acculturated women.

In conclusion, this study re-examines the Latina Acculturation Paradox in the context of obesity. It is unique in that it demonstrates deviation from the paradox, as the most highly acculturated women did not experience the worst birth outcomes. Additionally, this is among the first study to demonstrate a protective effect of obesity in terms of perinatal health.

Pride is a complex self-conscious emotion that is linked with social status. As pride is also recognized for evoking undesired social consequences under certain contexts, individuals may decide to inhibit their pride. Although our understanding of the significance of pride displays is increasing, we know little about possible sources of variation in how it is displayed. I examined variation in pride displays across social context, ethnic heritage, and gender in an experiment where participants were video-recorded while describing an experience of pride in one of three social context conditions: a competitor, a loved one, or a stranger. Videos were coded for verbal and nonverbal displays of pride. Although there were no differences in pride displays by social context condition, ethnic variation was observed. Asian Americans described their pride experiences both less emotionally and less vividly than European Americans. Latino/a/x Americans described their pride experiences less vividly than European Americans. Gender differences were also observed. Women described their pride experiences with more emotion and intensity than did men. Discussion focuses on integrating these findings into the broader understanding of pride and considering future directions for the study of this important positive emotion with distinct implications for interpersonal relationships.

Despite the theorized benefits of receiving social support, an increasing number of studies have demonstrated that when individuals receive support, they are more likely to report poorer psychological outcomes and/or exhibit less adaptive physiological activity. Understanding these unexpected effects of receiving social support may require careful consideration of the sociocultural context that shapes these interactions (Berkman, Glass, Brissette, & Seeman, 2000). Social class, which is the social status individuals are afforded based on their income, education, and employment relative to others in their society (or socioeconomic status; SES), is one form of culture that exerts a powerful influence on thinking, feeling, and behaving (Kraus, Piff, Mendoza-Denton, Rheinschmidt, & Keltner, 2012; Stephens, Markus, & Phillips, 2014). Although understudied, it is possible that a greater need for resources, which characterizes lower SES contexts, may result in more frequent social support exchanges. As result, social support receipt and provision may be more normative and appreciated in these communities. My dissertation examined the relationship between daily, received social support and daily, psychological, physiological, and relational outcomes.

In two daily diary studies, SES was tested as a moderator in the relationships between daily, received social support and psychological, physiological, and relational outcomes. In Study 1, undergraduate students at a large research institution reported daily, received social support each evening for three days and psychological stress responses and diurnal cortisol throughout each day. Swiss couples from the community participated in Study 2. For 14 days, both members of the couple reported (1) their received and provided social support experiences after interacting with their partners for up to four times per day, (2) their psychological stress responses four times per day, and (3) their relationship satisfaction once per day (in the evening).

I found that SES moderated the association between received support and psychological and physiological outcomes. In both studies, the receipt of support (or visible support in study 2) was associated with positive psychological and relational outcomes, but not physiology. Subjective SES, however, moderated the association between received support and diurnal cortisol in Study 1. In this study, less received support was associated with a sleeper slope in diurnal cortisol in those who reported higher subjective SES. Furthermore, in Study 2, men who reported lower objective or subjective SES, reported lower daily psychological stress responses and higher relationship satisfaction when they received more visible support. Together, these findings suggest that SES may moderate the association between received support and psychological and relational outcomes. Finally, these results provide additional evidence for the benefits of receiving social support.

Romantic relationships can promote better mental and physical health, and thus the processes linked to these outcomes are important to examine. The increased prevalence of intercultural romantic relationships—made up of romantic partners who report having different cultural backgrounds (e.g., differences in ethnicity, race, religion)—offers the opportunity to understand a type of romantic relationship that is not well-studied. By advancing the study of intercultural romantic relationships, science can better determine the generalizability of well-studied relationship processes and may uncover relationship processes that are distinct to intercultural romantic relationships. The study of intercultural romantic relationships also has implications for intergroup relations, a topic of enduring societal importance. The goal of this dissertation was to examine intercultural romantic relationship initiation and maintenance, with particular attention to how specific psychological processes compared to intracultural romantic relationships—made up of romantic partners who report sharing the same cultural background. In Study 1, using self-report survey data from one partner, I examined whether attachment insecurity was associated with the likelihood that individuals had initiated an intercultural romantic relationship in the past or would initiate one in the future. I found that attachment avoidance was associated with a lower likelihood that individuals initiated an intercultural romantic relationship in the past but also that current relationship status was important for this association. In Study 2, using self-report survey data from one partner, I examined whether attachment insecurity was associated with two indices of relationship quality (commitment, and satisfaction) and whether these associations varied as a function of intercultural romantic relationship status. I found that higher levels of attachment anxiety were associated with higher relationship commitment but lower relationship satisfaction. I also found that higher levels of attachment avoidance were associated with lower relationship commitment and satisfaction. These effects did not vary as a function of intercultural romantic relationship status. In Study 3, using self-report data from both partners, I examined whether actor and partner attachment insecurity were associated with actor and partner relationship quality (commitment and satisfaction) and whether these associations differed between the overall sample and intercultural and intracultural couple subsamples. I also examined whether actor and partner attachment insecurity were associated with actor and partner conflict management and whether these associations differed between the overall sample and intercultural and intracultural couple subsamples. These analyses did not yield a consistent pattern of effects, but interesting ancillary findings did emerge. Intercultural couples reported higher levels of relationship commitment but did not have mean differences on any other factors. Taken together, these three studies contribute to the literature on intercultural romantic relationships specifically and relationship science generally.

Research comparing intercultural and intracultural relationship quality has been inconsistent. The current study examined whether accommodation, the specific reactions to relationship problems, can shed new insight on that mixed literature. Undergraduate women (n = 207) completed an online survey containing measures of relationship quality, accommodation, and demographic characteristics. Analyses revealed that women in intercultural relationships reported greater relationship commitment and satisfaction relative to women in intracultural relationships. Active forms of accommodation, or handling problems in a direct way, were related to commitment (but not satisfaction) more strongly in the intracultural group relative to the intercultural group. Passive forms did not vary by group for commitment nor satisfaction. These findings suggest that active accommodation may be less relevant for intercultural compared to intracultural relationship commitment. Altogether, these findings highlight the importance of studying relationship processes in their distinct contexts.

A person’s sociocultural background informs their values in ways that shape emotion and behavior. Social status and ethnic heritage are two aspects of sociocultural background that shape the relative priority that individuals place on the needs of the self versus the needs of others. This shaping is likely relevant to the experience of academic achievement. Those who come from lower educational status and ethnic backgrounds that are highly attuned to the needs of others, such as status shifting first-generation college students from ethnic minority backgrounds, must manage emotions and behaviors in university environments where the dominant norms prioritize the needs of the self. Across five studies, I examined the possibility of variation in emotions and behavior in the context of academic achievement among samples of varying status shifting (e.g., first-generation college students) or ethnic heritage backgrounds.

In Study 1, I used qualitative methodology to first explore how a sample of first-generation college students of mostly Latino/a/x heritage experience emotions and capitalize on (i.e., share) their academic achievements. Building on Study 1, Studies 2-5 took a comparative approach and examined whether emotions and sharing behaviors in the context of academic achievement differed based on status shifting (comparing first-generation to continuing-generation college students) or ethnic culture (comparing individuals of European, Latino/a/x, and Asian heritage). Across all studies, there were no differences in pride, but differences in gratitude emerged based on ethnic culture. Latino/a/x, and in some social contexts Asian, Americans reported more feelings of gratitude compared to European Americans. Behavioral sharing differences also emerged based on the experience of status shifting and ethnic heritage. First-generation college students shared less than continuing-generation college students in some contexts, as did Latino/a/x and sometimes Asian Americans compared to European Americans. Across the five studies, the sharing behaviors reported by first-generation college students and individuals of Latino/a/x and Asian heritage may be indicative of capitalization regulation, a term that I introduce to capture the thoughtful consideration of how and with whom one shares good news across social contexts. These studies provide insight into the ways that two important sociocultural factors, social status and ethnic heritage, play a role in how emotions and behavior are managed across different social worlds.

Ethnic minorities, and specifically Black Americans, in the U.S. are disproportionately represented in health disparity patterns (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2021). Yet, when discussing the health of the Black diaspora in the U.S., ethnic and cultural differences are rarely explored. Utilizing Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological model as a conceptual framework, this dissertation investigates whether race, identity, discrimination, socialization, and U.S. acculturation interact to affect health and well-being for diverse subgroups of the Black diaspora (African-Americans, Continental Africans, Afro-Caribbeans, and Afro-Latinos). Focusing on within-group variation, this study explores intraracial and intraethnic differences in ethnic/racial identity as it relates to cardiovascular and psychological health in two parts. Study 1 examines the moderating effects of certain sociocultural factors (e.g., discrimination, racial socialization, and acculturative stress) on the relation of racial identity and health (cardiovascular and psychological) for African-Americans (n=215), Continental Africans (n=124), and Afro- Caribbeans/Latinos (n=59) (N=398). Unexpectedly, regression analyses did not reveal the predicted patterns. There was no significant association of racial identity and health (cardiovascular and psychological health) for the overall sample. However, notable findings did emerge in three key areas. First, surprisingly, higher (more positive) racial identity related to worse BMI and depression outcomes for the overall sample. Secondly, for Continental Africans, discrimination and socialization were found to moderate the relation of racial identity and physical activity. Specifically, higher racial identity was only related to worse physical activity for those with high levels of socialization and high levels of discrimination. And finally, for African-Americans, higher racial identity was only strongly related to lower depression for those with high levels socialization. Study 2 examined whether acculturation and years lived in the U.S. moderated the association of ethnic identity with cardiovascular health (cardiovascular disease risk factors) and psychological health (i.e., anxiety and depression) for Afro-Latinos (n=589) and non-Black Hispanic/Latinos (n=9,231) (N=9820). Using regression-based analyses, results suggested that racial identity relates to both cardiovascular health and psychological health, but only for non-Black Hispanic/Latinos. Furthermore, significant moderation effects of acculturation and years lived in the U.S. emerged only for psychological health outcomes among non-Black Hispanic/Latinos. These results suggest that while ethnic identity and acculturation profoundly affect psychological health, their impact on cardiovascular health is less clear, particularly for those who identify as Afro-descended and Hispanic/Latino. Still, overall findings from this novel research highlight the heterogeneity of the Black experience and the need to study within-group variation to obtain a “big picture” of Blackness in the U.S. as it relates to health.