A statistical analysis of coronal loop oscillations observed by the Transition Region and Coronal Explorer (TRACE) shows that 12 of 28 cases were associated with metric type II bursts. The timing is consistent with the idea that in many cases the loop oscillations result from the passage of a large-scale wave disturbance originating in a flare in the nearby active region. The GOES classifications for these flares range from C4.2 to X20. Typically, the oscillating structures are not disrupted, implying that the disturbance has passed through the medium, which has returned to an equilibrium near that seen prior to the event. This is consistent with the Uchida interpretation of the disturbance as a weak fast-mode blast wave (i.e., a simple wave at a low Alfvenic Mach number) propagating in the ambient corona. We note that all 12 of the associated events were also associated with coronal mass ejections (CMEs) and conclude that the CME eruptions in these cases corresponded to only partial openings of the active-region magnetic fields.

For more than a century, the story of the "Lone Woman" of San Nicolas Island has captured the interest of scholars and laymen alike. The tale was popularized because of the romanticism of a Robinson Crusoe sort of existence by a woman abandoned (18367-1853) on a tiny island off the California coast. The details of her culture have been carefully sifted out to provide at least some understanding of the Nicoleno by such scholars as Kroeber (1925:633-635), Meighan and Eberhart (1953), and Heizer and Elsasser (1973), the latter researchers bringing together all of the important historic accounts concerning the woman's story.

Sculptured in the round, the unusual stone object pictured here (Fig. 1) was recovered some ten years ago on San Clemente Island. The finder, Mr. Michael Hammer, discovered it on the surface near a small cave, high above Seal Cove, along the west coast of the island. No less than ten small shell middens are known along the tops of the cliffs on the seaward edge of Seal Cove (McKusick and Warren 1959:122), but unfortunately the effigy was not directly associated with any archaeological midden in the area. Mr. Hammer noted, however, that midden debris was nearby. The specimen has been kindly loaned to the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History by Mr. Hammer for the description presented here.

Not unlike other researchers interested in the Chumash, I too had taken Chumash surnames for granted, but then I began to ask the above questions, searching lists of names for patterns and latent meanings, although only taking a cursory look into the problem. The results of this initial study are the subject of this paper. My findings are not offered as "final," but rather "indicative" in that I have not attempted a comprehensive analysis. I present them here, however, because of three reasons I consider to be important in California Indian studies: (1) they provide some indication as to how Chumash personal names were derived in aboriginal times; (2) they offer important insights into the post-Mission period of acculturation (1830's-1870's), a subject about which we currently know little (Blackburn 1975:4); and (3) the patterns by which post-Mission Hispanic names were derived have applicability for other Mission Indian peoples in California—something which I hope my fellow researchers will find of interest.

Although Harrington's notes on Costanoan astronomy are unfortunately brief and cryptic, they nonetheless indicate that these people shared in a number of concepts about the sky found among the Chumash to the south and the Pomo to the north. Given the complexity of astronomical knowledge known for both of these groups, it would suggest that the centrally positioned Costanoan very probably possessed a similar complexity. Perhaps additional Harrington notes will be found to provide further insight into this question.