UCLA Center for the Transformation of Schools

California’s alternative education system, particularly its Dashboard Alternative School Status (DASS) schools, serves as a vital but often overlooked pathway for historically marginalized and vulnerable students. This report analyzes 2022–23 data from 894 DASS schools, representing 150,009 students, to evaluate the effectiveness of these settings.

The findings reveal that DASS schools disproportionately enroll Black, Latine, Indigenous, foster, homeless, socioeconomically disadvantaged, disabled students, and other populations facing significant systemic barriers. Educational outcomes in these settings highlight profound disparities compared to non-alternative schools, including a 60% chronic absenteeism rate, a 58% five-year graduation rate, and significantly lower proficiency in English Language Arts and mathematics. Furthermore, the analysis identifies systemic challenges in staffing, leadership, and accountability frameworks that often fail to adequately capture or support the unique needs of these students. To address these inequities, the authors propose a comprehensive policy agenda: developing a dedicated Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF) category for alternative schools, building a specialized educator workforce, enhancing school stability, establishing meaningful accountability measures, and expanding access to high-quality, differentiated instruction. Ultimately, this report calls for a shift from deficit-based narratives toward equitable, asset-based support systems that prioritize the success and holistic development of California’s most vulnerable youth.

This report offers a focused analysis of ‘bright spots’: public schools and community-based organizations well known for their long-standing reputations of offering quality educational services in Los Angeles. In a city where Black people constitute less than 10% of the overall population, Black students constitute 22-68% of the population served by these schools and organizations. The schools and organizations highlighted in this report are located in high-poverty communities where over 80% of students qualify for free or reduced lunch, and the despite the challenges of racial and economic inequality, each school and organization has remarkable histories of fostering student achievement, demonstrated by test scores and graduation rates for Black students that exceed statewide averages and are substantially greater than what would be expected. Despite the pronounced structural disadvantages affecting Black students—many of which have been exacerbated by pandemic-impacted educational conditions—these schools and organizations have established a history of illuminating paths toward academic success for the Black students that they serve. As such, their strategies are also illuminative for practitioners and scholars concerned with charting a course toward broader equity within educational systems. This report follows Beyond the Schoolhouse: Overcoming Challenges and Expanding Opportunity for Black Youth in LA County which documented academic, social and environmental patterns of Black students across Los Angeles County and Beyond the Schoolhouse: Digging Deeper | COVID-19 & Reopening Schools for Black Students in Los Angeles that additionally documented promising practices, both in-school and out-of-school, for fostering academic success for Black students. Learn more on the CTS website.

This report builds upon our 2019 analysis that explored how various educational, health, and social factors impact the academic and developmental outcomes of Black students in Los Angeles. We focus on 14 school districts in Los Angeles County that have populations of 800 or more Black students. Collectively, these districts serve two out of three Black students in Los Angeles: ABC Unified School District Antelope Valley Union High School District Bellflower Unified School District Centinela Valley Union High School District Compton Unified School District Culver City Unified School District Inglewood Unified School District Long Beach Unified School District Los Angeles Unified School District Paramount Unified School District Pasadena Unified School District Pomona Unified School District Torrance Unified School District William S. Hart Union High School District We cannot ignore the profound impacts COVID-19 is having on Black students and their families. Many are experiencing financial, physical, and emotional hardships associated with job loss, lack of adequate healthcare, and social isolation from prolonged shutdowns. Given that many of the inequities discussed in this report were already pervasive prior to the pandemic, we present our findings along with a set of recommendations for reopening schools and prioritizing the academic success and well-being of Black students with $6 billion in new federal monies available to these 14 school districts. Promising models implemented by districts and schools are offered including descriptions of features and benefits, core objectives, approaches, and practices in support of the social and emotional needs of Black students and families. Finally, we present recommendations for policymakers at all levels of government–city, county, state and federal–that can help to mitigate the disadvantages faced by Black students. While safety remains the number one priority, a more comprehensive approach will be needed to respond to the growing gaps between Black youth and many of their peers. To be clear, schools cannot be expected to do this alone. Learn more on the CTS website.

There are 109,00 Black students in the county, but Black students are overrepresented among those who are underprepared for college, who are subject to punitive forms of discipline, and who are chronically absent from school. Moreover, a disproportionate number of Black students in LA County attend schools that the state has identified as “low-performing” often where critical resources (e.g. school counselors, nurses, social workers, highly qualified teachers, etc.) are in short supply. While considerable attention has been focused on efforts to reform schools and raise student achievement, far less attention and effort has been directed at addressing the out-of-school factors that influence a child’s development, or the social and economic conditions in the neighborhoods where they live. We must do both. Throughout this report, we reference the ways in which the accumulation of disadvantage across various educational, health and social indicators interact with the academic and developmental outcomes of Black children in Los Angeles County. Failure to recognize how poverty, health, and educational performance are related has made it more difficult for education policy to have a positive impact on the needs of the most vulnerable children. This report aims to correct this oversight, suggesting solutions that are designed to counter the effects of these disadvantages. Learn more on the CTS website.

Study’s Purpose:The MONARCH Room® model provides trauma-informed sensory processing spaces in schools as an alternative to punitive discipline. Students with histories of trauma—particularly foster-involved youth—are disproportionately suspended and expelled, yet most educators lack training to address their needs. This study examined the implementation of the MONARCH Room® in Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) middle and high schools to understand its potential to reduce disciplinary actions and foster supportive school environments.

Research Methods:In partnership with Comprehensive Coordinated Early Intervening Services (CCEIS), the MONARCH Room® research team introduced the model in 12 LAUSD schools. School staff (“Champions”) completed baseline surveys (n=116) assessing trauma-informed knowledge and school climate. Champions also participated in training modules and two rounds of focus groups (n=62 total) between September 2023 and February 2024 to explore successes and challenges in implementation.

Key Findings:Champions expressed strong support for trauma-informed care but faced barriers including limited staff training opportunities, difficulty securing space, competing responsibilities, mixed teacher reactions, and funding challenges. Despite these obstacles, several positive outcomes emerged: students demonstrated improved emotional self-regulation, some schools reported fewer disciplinary referrals, and staff increasingly shifted from punitive practices toward supportive approaches. Champions also noted increased collaboration and buy-in over time.

Conclusion:The MONARCH Room® shows promise as a trauma-informed intervention that can improve student regulation, reduce punitive discipline, and build staff collaboration. Addressing implementation challenges—especially training, space, and funding—will be critical for sustaining the model and maximizing its potential to support vulnerable students.

This brief examines the notable trends and disparities in high school graduation rates between English-Learner classified students (ELs) and non-English-Learner classified students in California over the past five years. The analysis reveals that while overall graduation rates have shown a positive increase, English-Learner classified students continue to have consistently lower graduation rates compared to their non-EL peers. These findings highlight the need for targeted interventions and support systems to address the unique challenges faced by English-Learner classified students and ensure equitable access to educational opportunities. Key findings include: English Learners are less likely to graduate compared to their peers. CA’s 15 largest districts had an average gap of 11.64 percentage points. UC/CSU admission was even less likely for English Learners: among these 15 districts, there was an average gap of 24.31 percentage points between the rate of total students who met UC/CSU admission criteria and the rate of English Learners. This brief is part of The Landscape of Language Learners in California’s MTSS (Multi-Tiered System of Support) series. Learn more on the CTS website.

Study’s Purpose:

California’s public schools face significant pressure to improve across a range of metrics, to improve educational efficiency and reduce inequities between student groups. One student support framework is the Multi-Tiered System of Support (MTSS), which includes screening of students’ needs, monitoring their progress, data-based decision making and a multi-level prevention system. MTSS has the potential to maximize student success. However, to set MTSS in context, it is necessary to calculate the full economic consequences of failing to invest in MTSS (and other educational support strategies).

Here we investigate the economic consequences of failure to graduate from high school; chronic absenteeism; and disciplinary sanctions (suspension, expulsion, and restraint). Applying a standard economic model, we calculate the burdens to society, families, schools, and the California taxpayer. We find significant burdens from each perspective and that these burdens vary by race and student disadvantage. For example, there are racial inequities in how many students get suspended as well as the economic burden of these suspensions.

Research Methods:

We model the economic burdens across these three challenges—high school failure, absenteeism, and disciplinary actions—using a life-course trajectory model (Boardman et al., 2018; Levin et al., 2018) to estimate the long-term financial burdens of high school failure, absenteeism, and disciplinary actions in California. By assigning shadow prices—reflecting society’s willingness to pay for improvements—the model calculates lifetime costs and fiscal impacts from the perspectives of students, families, schools, and taxpayers. These costs are monetized using 2023 dollars and discounted to present value. The analysis reveals significant societal and fiscal gains from high school graduation, and substantial burdens from absenteeism and disciplinary sanctions, especially due to their effects on educational attainment and long-term earnings.

Key Findings:

Summary results show a social gain of almost one-half million dollars per extra high school graduate. For a 3 percentage point increase in the state-wide high school graduation rate, California would gain almost $10 billion in total and $3 billion in taxpayer savings. Economic calculations (Table S2) show the substantial economic burden for students who are off-track or have been disciplined. For each student who is chronically absent, the burden is $5,630. Disciplinary social burdens are also high: for each expulsion, for example, the social burden is $70,870.

Conclusion:

These calculations provide compelling evidence that educational support strategies such as MTSS are needed and that there is significant potential for them to be socially efficient.

California is experiencing a teacher shortage crisis, a pattern most prevalent for math, science, special education, and bilingual education. Although the shortage is widespread, the struggle to hire qualified teachers is particularly acute in some regions. This study profiles nine rural border counties in California that have limited access to Teacher Education Programs (TEPs): Alpine, Del Norte, Imperial, Inyo, Lassen, Modoc, Mono, Sierra, and Siskiyou. CTS researchers classify these counties as “teacher education deserts” that face unique challenges in recruiting and retaining highly qualified teachers. By highlighting factors like geographic location, economic status, and education attainment rates, this brief provides insights into the profound impact that geographic, social, and economic factors have on a county’s teacher supply. Evidence-based recommendations are provided to address urgent teacher supply issues in these regions. Learn more on the CTS website.

Research from the UCLA Center for the Transformation of Schools and the UCLA Civil Rights Project explores obstacles to recruiting and retaining Teachers of Color and Indigenous Teachers (TOCIT) in California’s schools. Researchers sought perspectives from teachers and system leaders in teacher preparation to better understand current policies and practices that are contributing to teacher burnout, turnover, and early retirement. Despite California’s recent, large investments toward improving educator diversity, persistent higher rates of burnout, turnover, and early retirement among teachers of color and Indigenous teachers indicate other factors are at play. At a time when many states are eliminating Diversity, Equity and Inclusion programs designed to foster positive race relations and equity, the research provides examples of persistent discrimination in the training process and the enormous economic barriers that many students of color face in accessing the educational and professional resources and support they need to become teachers. Learn more on the CTS website.

The results are in: CA’s teachers are “stressed”, “exhausted”, & “overwhelmed”. A survey of more than 4,600 current teachers in California finds that while teachers enter the profession to help students and make a difference, many teachers today are feeling acute levels of stress, job dissatisfaction, and are considering leaving the profession. The findings underscore significant challenges to teacher retention and the recruitment and preparation of aspiring teachers, especially teachers of color. Voices from the Classroom: Developing a Strategy for Teacher Retention and Recruitment, details results from a quantitative survey of 4,632 current TK-12th grade teachers in California conducted by Hart Research Associates on behalf of CTS and CTA. The report also includes insights from in-depth interviews with former and aspiring teachers who have taught or plan to teach in California. The survey results reveal alarming findings related to job satisfaction and future outlook, teacher retention, and diversity & inclusion within the school work environment. Learn more on the CTS website.

Study’s Purpose:Living with undocumented parents leaves millions of U.S. citizen students vulnerable to instability that disrupts their education. Immigration enforcement and anti-immigrant rhetoric create fear, absenteeism, and disengagement, particularly among Latinex students, but the effects extend across schools and communities. This study examines how a broken U.S. immigration system affects students, families, educators, and school climate.

Research Methods:Findings are drawn from Schools Under Siege: The Impact of Immigration Enforcement on Educational Equity (Gándara & Ee), which used a 2017–18 national survey of over 3,600 educators from 760 schools across 13 states, combined with additional empirical studies. The survey captured educators’ observations of student performance, attendance, and wellbeing in the context of heightened immigration enforcement.

Key Findings:Educators reported significant declines in academic performance, motivation, and test scores among immigrant students. Fear of raids and deportations drove chronic absenteeism and higher risks of grade retention and dropout. Immigration enforcement also worsened bullying and reduced students’ sense of safety. Importantly, the impact extended to non-immigrant peers and school climate overall, with reduced participation in extracurriculars and increased emotional strain on teachers. Family engagement with schools declined as parents avoided public spaces out of fear of enforcement.

Conclusion:Aggressive immigration enforcement harms not only immigrant students but entire school communities, undermining educational equity. Policy solutions must include comprehensive immigration reform, stronger community-school partnerships, and targeted supports for immigrant-serving educators and students to restore stability and ensure equal access to education.

INTRODUCTION

Our broken immigration system denies millions of students who are legal U.S. citizens by birthright their right to an equitable education. These are the children of the 10 million individuals who have lived, worked, and raised families in the U.S. for decades without legal authorization. In 2019, one in eight U.S. residents (12% of the country’s population) was a native-born U.S. citizen with at least one immigrant parent. (American Immigration Council, 2021)While the public’s attention remains directed to the border—the epicenter of the debate about immigration policy—the children of undocumented immigrants who have already crossed the border exist in permanent limbo, fearful every day that their parents will be snatched away from them, and wondering if they have any future in this country. Many of these students identify as Latinx. Instead of focusing on their education, these students struggle with this uncertainty and as a result are often absent from school or inattentive. Their teachers also struggle to motivate them and sometimes to protect them. The broken immigration system hurts schools and creates victims across the spectrum of race and ethnicity in the United States, but it is especially acute for these students.Anti-immigrant rhetoric and immigration enforcement affect not just the children of immigrants, most of whom were born in this country and are American citizens, but their friends, schools, and ultimately their entire community. Ironically, the United States is dependent on the children of immigrant workers to fill the jobs that the declining U.S. population cannot fill. As of 2019, one in six U.S. workers was an immigrant and contributed billions of dollars in taxes (American Immigration Council, 2021). Immigrants are essential to the economic well-being of the nation. This policy brief summarizes key findings from “Schools Under Siege: The Impact of Immigration Enforcement on Educational Equity” by Dr. Patricia Gándara and Dr. Jongyeon Ee. Their book brings to attention the degree to which millions of U.S.-born students and their school communities are impacted by aggressive immigration enforcement.METHODS

“Schools Under Siege” uses data from a 2017–18 national survey of over 3,600 educators from 13 states and over 760 schools to examine the impact of immigration enforcement on the nation’s schools.

The survey evaluated the extent to which educators observed reactions to heightened immigration enforcement among students and parents and how, if at all, it also affected both teaching and learning in their schools.

IMMIGRATION POLICY AND ENFORCEMENT’S IMPACT ON STUDENTS

In 2019, 5 million children who were U.S. citizens under age 19 lived with an undocumented family member—in most cases, a parent. This represents about 7% of all children in the United States (American Immigration Council, 2021).

Since 2009, immigration enforcement has increased significantly in America fueled by the anti-immigrant rhetoric of the Trump administration and the staggering numbers of immigrants deported during the Obama presidency (more than 5 million). Agreements over the last

many years between the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and many state and local police departments allow these law enforcement officers to perform functions of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents (Kirksey & Sattin-Bajaj, 2021). As a consequence, the country has seen an increasing number of arrests by ICE officers of immigrant parents near schools and other federally protected locations such as hospitals and courthouses, although ICE instructs officers to refrain from making enforcement actions inside these places to avoid restricting people’s access to essential services (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 2023).

Increased immigration enforcement affects students’ academic performance.

Over 60% of teachers surveyed reported an impact on immigrant students’ academic performance. Instead of thinking about academics and post-high school plans, students are distracted by fears about their families’ safety and situation in this country. Harsh enforcement can also lead to reduced academic motivation and impact school performance and test scores.

Immigration enforcement affects student attendance.

Educators surveyed shared how their students are frightened and sometimes remain absent from school for days when there are immigration raids in the area, or because of fear that their parents will be deported or detained while they are at school. Persistent absenteeism immediately impacts student outcomes, as well as classroom instruction and school climate.

Immigration enforcement affects grade retention and dropout rates.

It raised the probability of repeating a grade for children of “likely unauthorized immigrants” aged 6 to 13 years by 14% and the likelihood of dropping out for young people aged 14 to 17 by 18% (Amuedo-Dorantes and Lopez, 2017). Sattin-Bajaj and Kirksey (2022) along with other colleagues found that increased arrests of immigrants related to a decline in English

Language Arts (ELA) scores for secondary Latinx English Learners (ELs) roughly equivalent to one month of learning loss (Sattin-Bajaj & Kirksey, 2022). They also found that increased immigration enforcement led to declines in math test scores, sense of belonging and safety and bullying for all Latinx secondary students in their sample (not just ELs). In addition, absenteeism rates worsened by about 5 percentage points in areas where immigration arrests occurred (Kirksey & Sattin-Bajaj, 2021). The true scope of the academic impact will be a major concern for years to come, especially when compounded by the complexity of the COVID pandemic and its impact on schools, students, and families.

Immigration enforcement activities increase bullying and compromise students’ sense of safety in school.

Almost half of the educators surveyed reported an increase in bullying of immigrant students, creating a heightened sense of insecurity and anxiety in students. Students are impacted by immigration enforcement happening around spaces where they expect to feel safe, like schools. An elementary school teacher described the day after the 2016 election of President Donald Trump, a student of theirs was:huddled underneath playground equipment,

crying. I ask, “What’s the matter?” They say they

think that people hate them [the students]

so they’ll have to go away. Another educator

shared how their students are not only afraid of

ICE but feel as if they are targets because of “their

names, their skin colors, their accents, their status.

They worry they cannot trust anyone.”

Students worried that because of the strict ICE policies

created and the negative rhetoric that emerged under the

Obama and Trump presidencies, ICE agents could appear

at their schools and take them away at any moment.

Immigration enforcement affects all students in the classroom—even those without immigrant family members themselves.

Students are not the only ones who are directly impacted by anti-immigrant rhetoric and ICE enforcement; the school community as a whole is as well (Kirksey & Sattin-Bajaj, 2021). Educators surveyed shared that if a student arrived at school crying, or disappeared for several days due to an ICE action, other students in the same classroom would show concern for their peers, which affects school climate. The fears immigrant students experienced also impacted how they engaged in the larger school community. Teachers said parents feared that if their children stayed after school for extracurricular activities they might be seen as “different” or

“other” because of their home language or immigration status and, therefore, they wanted them to come home immediately after school instruction ended. This meant that immigrant students were less likely to participate in after-school activities like sports, music, or clubs, which bring students together informally around shared interests and create a positive and inviting school climate. The changing of a school climate and learning environment has rippling impacts for all of those in and around school.

IMMIGRATION POLICY AND ENFORCEMENT’S IMPACT ON SCHOOLS

Immigration enforcement affects schools through diminished parental engagement and

relationships with students’ families.

Parental engagement among immigrant parents and low-income populations tends to be low, given how much these parents need to work to make ends meet. However, survey responses revealed that parental engagement was even lower for families feeling the threat of deportation.

Undocumented immigrant parents avoided schools for fear of being targeted by ICE. Many parents believed that because schools are public spaces funded by the government, they were especially vulnerable there. Not surprisingly, parental involvement declined.

When asked about parental fear, 51% of educators reported that parents had expressed concerns and sought advice about their families’ vulnerability. About half of surveyed educators saw a decrease in parental involvement in schools after immigration enforcement activities. Furthermore, educators shared that parents were fearful of potential traps set by ICE and opted out of coming to school, even for special events like graduation or open houses. Parental involvement is important for school climate and success: Higher levels of parental involvement are related to lower absenteeism and greater academic achievement (Gottfried & Gee, 2017).

The fear of deportation extended to other areas of parents’ engagement with school. Parents expressed being afraid to disclose information that would qualify their students for free lunch or field trips out of concern for the “public charge” edict that the Trump administration had announced, which would make individuals ineligible for permanent residency if they benefited from any government services.

IMMIGRATION POLICY AND ENFORCEMENT’S IMPACT ON EDUCATORS

The heightened tension around antiimmigrant legislation and sentiments in the country impacts teachers and administrators.Teachers shared their feelings of responsibility to create a sense of safety for all of their students and experienced secondhand trauma, which can be defined as feelings of emotional pain and despair as a result of caring for and about children who are undergoing distressing circumstances (e.g., ICE raids) (Gándara & Ee, 2021). An elementary school administrator shared: “This past year, my job has felt simultaneously more important and more pointless than it ever

has before. Pointless because I felt helpless. I felt like math and science pale in comparison

to safety, security, and family stability. But how do I affect that? How do I truly help my students? More important because I know that we are a safe place for our students and now,

more than ever, that’s what our children need.”

Teachers felt a deep sense of responsibility for their students that transcends their classrooms. Latinx teachers were more likely to take on responsibilities like translating for students, advocating for students of color, and aiding students to overcome discrimination and mistreatments from other teachers and school leaders (Colomer, 2019; Unda, 2023). Teachers felt anxious and stressed when they did not know how best to help their students cope with

their fears (e.g., going home and finding that a family member has been deported or detained). An elementary school teacher shared:

(I know my students are) going through a little bit

more with immigration; they have to worry about

coming home and having that fear of walking

home and “Oh, is my mom going to be here?

Is my dad going to be here? Is my sister or my

auntie going to be there?”POLICY & PRACTICE RECOMMENDATIONS

To counter these harmful effects, school systems can implement several measures:

Urge Congress to pass comprehensive Immigration Reform that provides pathways to citizenship and permanent legal status, ensuring the stability and wellbeing of immigrant families and children. Invest in community schools that offer wraparound services for children in poverty at the school site (see, for example, UCLA Community School’s Parent and Community Center and Immigrant Family Legal Clinic). Engage community members who can establish trusting relationships with undocumented parents so they can better participate in their children’s schooling and understand their options in a culturally and linguistically appropriate way. Establish partnerships with community-based organizations (CBOs) that specialize in providing support services to immigrant families. These partnerships can offer resources such as legal assistance, mental health support, and social services to address the unique challenges faced by immigrant students and families. Uplift support and care for teachers, especially those serving schools with high proportions of undocumented students and/or families: Support hiring of more counselors and school support staff, particularly those who come from immigrant backgrounds and speak the home language of the students, as they can better connect with students and their families. Implement strategies to improve diversity in the teaching profession, particularly in terms of Latinx teachers through retention and recruitment practices. Offer professional development opportunities to enhance teachers’ knowledge and skills in supporting immigrant students. Recommended topics include trauma-informed teaching and culturally responsive teaching.• Offer State Department of Education “Know Your Rights” Guidance to immigrant-serving schools.

Study’s Purpose:

This policy brief examines the potential of Dual Language Immersion (DLI) programs to advance racial, linguistic, and socioeconomic equity in public education. While DLI has grown rapidly in the U.S. and is celebrated for promoting bilingualism and integration, concerns have emerged around access and equity especially for the historically marginalized communities these programs were originally designed to serve. This study focuses on Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), home to the largest number of DLI programs in the country, to assess how these programs are shaping enrollment patterns, integration, and equitable access.

Research Methods:

The study analyzed two decades (2001–2002 through 2021–2022) of publicly available LAUSD enrollment data from the California Department of Education. Researchers examined demographic trends across schools with and without DLI programs, disaggregated by race/ethnicity, English Learner (EL) status, and socioeconomic status. Measures of racial, linguistic, and economic diversity included entropy, exposure/isolation, and concentration indices. A critical discourse analysis of school websites and social media content was also conducted to evaluate how information about DLI programs is communicated to families.

Key Findings:

The study found that while DLI programs can foster diverse learning environments, they are also increasingly vulnerable to gentrification. Enrollment trends suggest that DLI programs may be disproportionately accessed by English-dominant and more affluent families, raising concerns about equity and access. Communication strategies used by schools often reinforced these disparities, privileging certain audiences over others.

Conclusion:

To ensure DLI programs fulfill their promise of equity and inclusion, districts must adopt intentional outreach strategies and policies that prioritize access for language-minoritized and low-income students. Without these safeguards, DLI programs risk reproducing the very inequalities they were designed to disrupt.

There were nearly 2 million highly mobile youth (HMY) in the United States in the 2021-22 school year.

These youth—including those experiencing homelessness, in foster care, migratory students, and those involved in the juvenile legal system—face compounded challenges that disrupt their education, health, and future opportunities.This brief uncovers the urgent needs of these underserved populations, highlighting the systemic barriers they encounter, from poverty and language barriers to neighborhood violence and childhood trauma. The research underscores the disproportionate impact on Black and Brown youth and calls for targeted interventions to provide the support they deserve.

Learn more on the CTS website.

What do we know about the nearly 1.4 million students experiencing homelessness in the U.S.? Our latest brief, “1.37 Million and Rising: Understanding the National 25% Spike in Student Homelessness” explores national patterns for housing insecure youth across the U.S. Students without stable housing, one of several highly mobile student populations, are more likely to miss school, face disciplinary actions, and fall behind academically. Yet many remain invisible in national education data.

This brief builds upon our research on students experiencing homelessness in California, the epicenter of the student homelessness crisis, and highly mobile youth—including an overview of these student populations and an accompanying policy brief—to uplift the importance of their stability and success.

Understanding these trends is crucial to advancing educational equity. This is critical reading for anyone shaping education policy or practice—from the classroom to the Capitol.

Learn more on the CTS website.

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on student social-emotional learning (SEL) and mental health was a top concern of California voters in May 2021. Key state officials acknowledged early on in the pandemic that SEL and student well-being would be a great challenge for students and schools. These concerns were warranted. Countless people continue to suffer the physical, emotional, and economic effects of the virus and our students have been severely impacted in their academic and social-emotional development. Research shows that the pandemic has had a negative impact on student mental health and social-emotional health and has increased rates of anxiety and attempted suicides. Self-efficacy has worsened in elementary schools, particularly for low-income students. With existing gaps in SEL before the pandemic by race/ethnicity and how the pandemic disproportionately affected low-income and students of color, it is highly likely that inequities persisted or even broadened since then. This brief analyzes new statewide post-COVID data on chronic absenteeism, academic motivation, student SEL and well-being, and school support staff shortages. It urges CA to focus its pandemic recovery efforts on improving student engagement, SEL, and well-being, with a targeted focus on vulnerable student groups such as low-income, English Learners, foster youth, and racial/ethnic minorities. The brief suggests efforts the state can lead and coordinate to ensure that LEAs can best utilize pandemic relief funding to make our school systems stronger during pandemic recovery. Learn more on the CTS website.

This policy brief identifies unique challenges and opportunities for CA’s rural schools and communities. Rural schools and communities face a unique set of chronic challenges including high levels of poverty and fewer job opportunities relative to urban areas, less access to healthcare, more significant teacher shortages, and heightened vulnerability to labor market shocks. Because school enrollment drives public school funding, rural schools have been historically underfunded, contributing to underinvestment in physical and educational infrastructure. The impact of these historic trends has been compounded by two distinctly modern challenges: COVID-19 and rampant annual wildfires. These challenges demand urgent action, and recent federal and state dollars represent an important investment to fund such action. If properly leveraged and made accessible to rural communities, federal and state resources can support rural districts in harnessing their unique assets and mitigating their distinct challenges. This policy brief explores current state and federal resources available to support evidence based solutions to the most pressing challenges facing rural California schools. These resources include funds from the American Rescue Plan, the American Families Plan, and the 2022-2023 California state budget. Learn more on the CTS website.

The abrupt closure of public schools in March 2020 forced a radical shift to remote learning for close to 6 million California students. The shift to digital platforms between the 2019-2020 and 2020-2021 school years highlighted and exacerbated pre-existing educational inequities. In CA, there were an estimated 1.8 million students, most of which were Latinx and Black, without digital access at home (Alliance for Excellent Education, 2020). The pandemic’s impact extended beyond academics, affecting students’ social-emotional learning and mental health. Teachers had to navigate unfamiliar computer platforms and faced difficulties with student engagement. As the pandemic unfolded, the threat of COVID-19 compounded uncertainties. This brief intends to elevate new research by suggesting recommendations for strategic action based on the perspectives of educators across CA who participated in interviews and online surveys. Our hope in sharing this brief widely is that we’ll be able to turn the lights on, to see clearly the deep and profound effects of the virus on our education landscape. Learn more on the CTS website.

This case study summarizes how the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), California’s state school funding law since 2013, is being implemented in Pomona Unified School District (PUSD). It focuses on the perspectives of various education stakeholders including students, teachers, parents, principals, school board members, and district staff to better understand how LCFF is being implemented to achieve the goal of advancing equity in the district. The goal of this case study is to inform educators and education system leaders about how district practices have changed as a result of LCFF and to better understand strategies for improving educational outcomes for historically underserved students. PUSD has undertaken a series of actions under LCFF to improve academic outcomes for historically underserved students (e.g. low-income students, foster youth, English Learners). Early signs of progress resulting from PUSD’s efforts include improved levels of student achievement in schools implementing Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (PBIS), a significant decrease in referral and suspension rates overall, and stronger English Language Arts (ELA) and Mathematics outcomes for students in the classrooms piloting a co-teaching model. While a number of ongoing fiscal and implementation challenges remain for Pomona as the district works towards executing its Pomona 2020 plan, it is clear that progress is being made. Learn more on the CTS website.

This case study demonstrates how East Side Union High School District in San Jose, in partnership with Californians for Justice, a youth-led educational justice organization, is utilizing the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF) to develop student voice, power, and participation. Although nine years have passed since the Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF) was signed into law in 2013, little is known about how and whether LCFF has empowered young people to take a more active role in influencing and contributing to educational justice. Phrases like ‘youth empowerment,’ ‘youth voice,’ and ‘youth participation’ have quickly gathered momentum. However, efforts to implement student voice and power are often muddled by concerns over their value, legitimacy, and purpose. As educators and policymakers attempt to implement efforts and policies to develop student voice, many continue to grapple with common questions, including: How can student voice and power support broader educational and racial justice efforts? Will student voice improve educational outcomes or produce practical and innovative solutions? How can partnerships with youth-led community-based organizations support school districts in moving towards meaningful student voice and participation? How will this work change the educational experiences of students and adults? Learn more on the CTS website.

Study's Purpose: This research brief explores the Livingston Union School District’s (LUSD) implementation of a comprehensive school counseling program. The program aligns with the American School Counselor Association (ASCA) National Model and is sustained through California’s Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF). Located in California’s Central Valley, LUSD serves a predominantly Latine and socioeconomically disadvantaged student population in a high-need rural context. LUSD bolstered its school counseling program, making it a cornerstone of its student support strategy through collaborative leadership, strategic staffing, and equity-centered resource allocation. 

Research Methods: Using a mixed-methods approach—including document analysis, interviews, survey data, and quantitative outcomes—this study finds that the district’s sustained investment in school counseling has led to measurable improvements in school climate and student well-being, alongside reductions in suspension and chronic absenteeism rates, even amid the disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic.Key Findings: LUSD’s model reinforces a growing body of research demonstrating that lower student-to-counselor ratios and comprehensive, data-informed counseling models improve academic and behavioral outcomes, particularly for historically underserved students. Key findings highlight the importance of program fidelity, clearly defined counselor roles, and continuous stakeholder engagement in realizing the full potential of school counseling. 

Conclusion: The district’s model offers valuable lessons for other school systems seeking to integrate school counseling into broader strategies for educational equity and student success.

Our baseline report from Year 1 of the Race, Education, and Community Healing (REACH) Network, a collaborative initiative co-led with UC Berkeley’s Center for Research on Expanding Educational Opportunity (CREEO), explores discipline disparities across 10 diverse California schools. Further, the report highlights each LEA’s efforts to address exclusionary discipline and provides lessons and recommendations that can inform similar efforts at other schools.

We provide valuable suspension data by race, gender, and student group and key findings from Year 1. In their approaches, we share the practical tools being used to promote healthier relationships and address inequities in school discipline that disproportionately affect students of color.

Learn more on the CTS website.

This policy brief builds upon our 2020 analysis of student homelessness statewide to examine district-level data for 10 districts across the state. In 2021, California made historic investments to help students and schools recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, adversely impacting schools and students experiencing homelessness, limiting the scope and application of student data, and creating new challenges for teaching and learning. While the future after this pandemic is unclear, we must continue to support students experiencing homelessness and address the long-standing inequities that this vulnerable student group faces. Learn more on the CTS website.

Los Angeles County is facing a rapidly escalating youth homelessness crisis. In the 2023–24 school year, more than 61,000 students experienced homelessness, a nearly 30% increase from the prior 2022–23 school year, with Latine students (75%) and English Learners (34%) disproportionately affected (California Department of Education, 2024; Cazares-Minero & Bishop, 2026). Despite federal protections under the McKinney-Vento Act, a significant gap persists between policy intent and frontline realities.

This qualitative study draws on interviews with seven school-based homeless liaisons and county officials across five districts to examine identification practices, service barriers, and data systems. Findings show major challenges in accurately identifying students due to inconsistent, subjective processes, despite the statewide requirement of a housing questionnaire. Many families avoid self-identification because of stigma, fear of child welfare or immigration consequences, or confusion about eligibility. Fragmented data systems further hinder verification and coordination, while inadequate federal funding forces reliance on unstable grants and donations. Strengthening trauma-informed identification, integrating data systems, stabilizing funding for direct supports, and formalizing cross-sector partnerships are critical to improving outcomes for unhoused students.

What do we know about the nearly 1.4 million students experiencing homelessness in the U.S.? Our latest brief, “1.37 Million and Rising: Understanding the National 25% Spike in Student Homelessness” explores national patterns for housing insecure youth across the U.S. Students without stable housing, one of several highly mobile student populations, are more likely to miss school, face disciplinary actions, and fall behind academically. Yet many remain invisible in national education data.

This brief builds upon our research on students experiencing homelessness in California, the epicenter of the student homelessness crisis, and highly mobile youth—including an overview of these student populations and an accompanying policy brief—to uplift the importance of their stability and success.

Understanding these trends is crucial to advancing educational equity. This is critical reading for anyone shaping education policy or practice—from the classroom to the Capitol.

Learn more on the CTS website.

Foster youth in California face systemic barriers that can interfere with their educational success, from K-12 instability to college challenges, with graduation rates and college enrollment far below state averages. In this study, our research team partnered with young leaders with foster care experience from California Youth Connection to center their lived experiences and answer the following research questions: How did foster youth experience the foster care system? What were the high school experiences of foster youth? What were the college-going experiences of foster youth? Learn more on the CTS website.

Study’s Purpose:Highly Mobile Youth (HMY)—including students experiencing homelessness, foster care involvement, migratory status, and participation in the juvenile legal system—represent some of the most underserved populations in the U.S. These young people often face instability that disrupts schooling, limits access to supportive relationships, and contributes to poor educational and health outcomes. This brief provides an overview of the characteristics, challenges, and intersecting risk factors that shape the experiences of HMY, with attention to structural inequities and systemic barriers that contribute to their disproportionate representation among marginalized groups.

Research Methods:This report synthesizes publicly available national datasets and existing literature to analyze trends in HMY populations. Data sources include federal education, child welfare, and juvenile justice statistics from 2013–2022. The study examines demographic characteristics (e.g., race, gender, grade level, region), overlapping needs (such as English Learner and disability status), and instances of dual-system involvement. Additionally, the review highlights data limitations that constrain a full understanding of HMY across systems.

Key Findings:Findings reveal that Black and Latine youth are disproportionately represented among HMY and face compounded educational challenges, including higher rates of disability identification and English Learner status. Migratory youth remain among the most underserved groups, while dual-system youth in both child welfare and juvenile justice are subject to particularly stark racial and gender disparities. Youth in foster care and the juvenile legal system are also at heightened risk of homelessness, further destabilizing their education and development. Across all groups, gaps in national data obscure the full extent of these inequities and hinder the ability to design effective supports.

Conclusion:Highly Mobile Youth face compounded disadvantages that span education, health, and economic outcomes. Their instability is rooted in systemic inequities, including structural racism and poverty, which increase the likelihood of involvement in multiple child-serving systems. Addressing the needs of HMY requires improved cross-system collaboration, more robust data collection, and targeted supports that disrupt cycles of displacement and disadvantage.

INTRODUCTION Highly mobile youth (HMY) represent the most underserved and marginalized

youth populations in the U.S. (i.e., youth experiencing homelessness, youth in

foster care, migratory youth, and youth in the JLS).

A youth who is “highly mobile” frequently moves or does not have a stable place to reside and engage in typical activities such as attending school, developing lasting peer relationships, or forming attachments with caregivers or supportive adults (Sulkowski & Michael, 2020). We provide an overview of four highly mobile youth groups in the U.S.: youth experiencing homelessness, youth in the child welfare system (CWS), migratory youth, and youth in the juvenile legal system (JLS). Extensive research points to the subpar outcomes of HMY, including low academic achievement (Cutuli et al., 2013; Fantuzzo & Perlman, 2007), negative health outcomes (Braverman & Morris, 2011; Edidin et al., 2012; Jackson et al., 2016), and economic disadvantage (Baetz, 2015; Font et al., 2018; Nadon et al., 2022; Sandman, 2022; Skoba et al., 2018). In school year (SY) 2021-22, there were nearly 2 million HMY in the U.S., constituting 2.6% of the 2022 national youth (0-17) population (72.5 million) (Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2023). Notably, Black and Brown youth

are disproportionately represented among HMY (Children’s Bureau, 2022; Puzzanchera et al., 2023; U.S. Department of Education, 2023a).HMY share a combination of risk factors that result in their contact and involvement with more than one child-serving system, including poverty, low parental education, language barriers, neighborhood violence, and childhood maltreatment. It’s important to note that family- and community-level factors stem from systemic and structural inequities. For instance, the inequitable outcomes and unequal distribution of risk factors for child abuse and neglect

among Black children and families in particular serve as proof of the structural racism that has created inequitable health, education, and economic outcomes for the Black community. Being Black is not an inherent risk factor for child abuse and neglect. Yet, Black children have the highest rates of child abuse and neglect compared to white, Latine, and Asian children (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2024).

While children from military families also experience high levels of mobility and face challenges commonly associated with academic difficulties, such as lower parental education levels and eligibility for free or reduced lunch, research shows that these students achieve academic outcomes equal to or exceeding national averages for public schools (Popp et al., 2003). In this executive summary, we will focus on four more-vulnerable populations of HMY, who often lack the resources and structured support systems available to children from military families.

THE ORIGINS OF MOBILITY

HMY (i.e., youth experiencing homelessness, youth in foster care, migratory youth, and youth in the JLS) share various and simultaneously occurring risk factors that result in their contact and involvement with more than one child-serving system. The factors that help explain disproportionate rates of high mobility among youth experiencing homelessness, youth in foster care, migratory youth, and JLS-involved youth are multi-layered and often overlap across these different subgroups of youth. These risk factors include family poverty, low parental education, language barriers, family dysfunction, low parental engagement and supervision, and a history of childhood maltreatment. There is extensive research supporting the link between childhood

maltreatment, homelessness, and CWS- and JLSinvolvement (McGuinness & Schneider, 2007;

Perlman & Fantuzzo, 2010; Vidal et al., 2017).Youth in foster care, who comprise one group of HMY, have usually experienced child maltreatment, including neglect or physical, emotional, or sexual abuse (Oswald, Heil, & Goldbeck, 2010). The consequences of childhood maltreatment and other trauma for many youth in foster care includes psychological maladjustment and psychiatric problems in greater proportions than those in the general population (Burns et al., 2004; Garland et al., 2001; Orton, Riggs, & Libby, 2009; Pilowsky & Wu, 2006) as well as those in socioeconomically comparable samples (Pilowsky, 1995). Moreover, maltreatment is among the most common risk factors associated with dual-system involvement (Herz et al., 2012; Mersky, Topitzes, & Reynolds, 2012). In other words, youth with prior histories of childhood maltreatment and who are involved in the CWS are also more likely to enter the JLS.

Due to systemic and structural inequities, youth experiencing homelessness, youth in foster care, migratory youth, and JLS-involved youth are at an increased risk for experiencing childhood adversities including but not limited to childhood maltreatment and neglect. For instance, the inequitable outcomes and unequal distribution of risk factors for child

abuse and neglect among Black children and families in particular serve as proof of the structural racism that has created inequitable health, education, and economic outcomes for the Black community. Being Black is not an inherent risk factor for child abuse and neglect. Yet, Black children have the highest rates of child abuse and neglect compared to white, Latine, and Asian children (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2024).

A large body of research also demonstrates that there is a strong social gradient in child maltreatment across both the socioeconomic status (SES) spectrum and racial categories (Drake & Jonson-Reid, 2014; Kim & Drake, 2018; Pelton, 2015; Sedlak, Mettenburg, Basena et al., 2010). According to the Fourth National Incidence Study, maltreatment risk was 5.8 times

higher for children in lower SES families (Sedlak et al., 2010). In the absence of SES controls, maltreatment risk was observed in the same study to be 1.7 times higher for Black children than for white children (Sedlak et al., 2010). Another study based in California found that the future risk of maltreatment reporting was 2.5 times higher for newborns on Medicaid than for non-Medicaid recipients, and was 2.3 times higher for Black children than for white children (Putnam-Hornstein & Needell, 2011). The literature strongly confirms that stressors like structural racism, poverty, and discrimination can lead to family dysfunction, which in turn, are associated with negative developmental outcomes such as maltreatment (Dodge, Greenberg, & Malone, 2008; Beyers, Bates, Pettit, & Dodge, 2003).HMY often exit the CWS and the JLS into homelessness and with few stable adult figures to provide them economic and socioemotional support (Bender et al., 2017; Riebschleger, Day, & Damashek, 2015; University of Michigan Poverty Solutions, 2021). For unaccompanied migrant youth, they often endure significant pre- and in-transit migration traumas upon placement in local communities, including family separation, limited or interrupted schooling, and unauthorized legal status (Cardoso et al., 2019). During pre-migration, youth often experience

poverty, community and/or family violence, and family separations that are linked to increased

psychological distress (Kennedy, 2013; Perreira & Ornelas 2013; Stinchcomb & Hershberg, 2014; Suárez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim 2010). During migration, they are vulnerable to hunger, thirst, assault, accidental injuries, kidnapping, and sexual and physical violence (Aldarondo & Becker, 2011; Infante et al., 2011). Following migration, in addition to challenges associated with family reunifications, undocumented young people may struggle with acculturative stress,

social isolation, discrimination, unsafe schools and neighborhoods, vulnerability of unauthorized status, and navigation of complex social service and legal institutions (De Genova & Peutz, 2010; Perreira & Ornelas, 2013; Pumariega & Rothe, 2010). These stressors place them at increased risk for mental health disorders including depression, anxiety, and PTSD (Carlson, Cacciatore, & Klimek, 2012).

While children from military families also experience high levels of mobility and face challenges commonly associated with academic difficulties, such as lower parental education levels and eligibility for free or reduced lunch, research shows that these students achieve academic outcomes equal to or exceeding national averages for public schools (Popp, Stronge & Hindman, 2003). Several factors contribute to this success, including positive societal perceptions of the military, which differ from the stigma associated with poverty-related mobile populations, and the strong support systems embedded within the military culture (Popp et al., 2003). These systems foster robust partnerships between schools, families, and the military, emphasizing high expectations for school success and college study, support from well-trained school counselors, and a culture that encourages parental involvement in their children’s education. For this brief, we will focus on four more-vulnerable populations of HMY (i.e., youth

experiencing homelessness, youth in foster care, migrant youth, and youth engaged in the JLS), who often lack the resources and structured support systems available to children from military families.PURPOSE OF STUDYDespite the evidence documenting a shared combination of risk factors associated with high mobility for vulnerable youth groups and their contact with multiple child-serving systems, there is limited research on how to best serve these displaced and often traumatized children and youth (Larson & Meehan, 2011; Masten et al., 2015; Miller & Bourgeois, 2013).

Additionally, there are very few studies explaining how child-serving systems can collaborate to meet the multifaceted needs of these youth, including their health, education, and psychological needs (see Herz et al., 2012; Wright et al., 2017 for exceptions). Current data challenges limit our understanding of the overlapping characteristics and needs of HMY.

This executive summary and research brief uses publicly available data from national sources and existing literature to:

Highlight the key characteristics of HMY populations, including their racial/ethnic composition, gender composition, grade level and age composition, where in the U.S. they are most concentrated, and their numbers over the last decade; Examine the overlapping characteristics of HMY (e.g., English Learner status, disability status, unaccompanied youth status, dual-system involvement, and homelessness); and Outline the limitations of national data sources.KEY FINDINGS Racial Disparities: Black and Latine Youth are Overrepresented Among HMY Intersecting Educational Challenges: English Learner and Disability Disparities Among HMY Regional Variations Among HMY Trends in HMY Group Counts From 2013 to 2022 Age Distribution and Concentration Among HMY Migratory Youth: An Underserved and Disenfranchised HMY Group Racial and Gender Disparities Among Dual-System Youth Homelessness Among CWS- and JLS-Involved Youth Data Limitations in National Data Sources

This study provides an analysis of California State University (CSU)’s campus-based support programs for students with foster care experience. California has long been considered a champion for its support for youth who experience foster care, and is particularly noteworthy in creating campus-based programs to support their postsecondary education. As the largest university system in the U.S., CSU plays an important role in supporting positive life outcomes for students who have experienced foster care, with an estimated annual enrollment of 3,000-3,500 students with foster care history. For this study, we engaged with 23 support program staff members from across the CSU system to develop a deep understanding of high-impact practices, successes, and challenges. Research findings are used to develop actionable recommendations at the campus, system, state, and federal levels. We hope this study will be used to encourage greater investment in college campus support programs for foster youth. Learn more on the CTS website.

Los Angeles is one among many local educational agencies across the country that have adopted evidence-based strategies in an effort to change the academic trajectories of youth involved in the juvenile legal system. This study examines the implementation of the Road to Success Academies (RTSA), a comprehensive educational model for juvenile court schools, at two sites in partnership with the Los Angeles County Office of Education (LACOE). The primary goal of the RTSA model framework is to ignite student excitement and interest in learning using interdisciplinary, project-based learning strategies. Trauma-informed practices are combined with California standards-based curriculum to create thematic modules designed to advance social-emotional-learning alongside academic skill acquisition. By centering on student engagement, the RTSA model has great promise for both advancing the educational delivery within the juvenile legal system, and supporting LA County’s holistic goal of re-envisioning the juvenile legal system to move away from punishment to care. The current study builds upon research focused on educational experiences in juvenile corrections facilities (Allen & Grassell, 2017; Leone & Weinberg, 2012) and focuses on the following research questions: How does the RTSA model impact student learning outcomes and student engagement among students in carceral settings, and how does the carceral setting itself impact implementation of educational services broadly, and RTSA specifically? What are key challenges to full implementation of RTSA for youth in carceral settings? Learn more on the CTS website.